Chad Independence: The Incredible History from Freedom to the Present

History Of Chad Independence

Chad Independence: Constant civil unrest and repeated interference from outside the country have marked most of Chad’s postcolonial history. Numerous racial, religious, economic, and political factors contribute to the strife. A basic level of hostility existed between the Christian Sara people in the south of Chad and the Muslim Goranes people in the north, especially the Toubou. Careless French colonial management exacerbated and strengthened this hostility. Chad became its own nation on August 11, 1960. 

The first president, François Tombalbaye (later changing his name to Ngarta), did everything he could to strengthen his power. In 1963, the country recognized his Parti Progressiste Tchadien (PPT) as its sole official party. Tombalbaye’s main motivation was to keep his power. Tombalbaye could arrest and imprison politicians, government workers, and finally the military from both the north and the south.

But after 1963, many people in the north thought they were the target of a planned plan by an elite in the south to control them. Excessive taxes, coupled with unfavorable economic and cultural policies, consistently inflamed public discontent. In April 1975, there was a coup d’état that killed Tombalbaye. General Félix Malloum, who was in jail for political reasons, replaced him.

The Front de Liberation Nationale de Tchad (FROLINAT) initiated an uprising as early as 1966. It was already clear that outsiders were involved in the war in Chad. Libya or Nigeria provided assistance to different parts of FROLINAT, founded in Sudan. From 1969 to 1972, Tombalbaye agreed to French military action to stop the revolt, which was getting stronger. But Tombalbaye’s removal made it more likely for the revolt to break up into smaller groups. 

Since the FROLINAT didn’t have a shared philosophy, it relied on its fight against the oppressive regime to keep itself together. The movement had many different ideas. Furthermore, the politics of the conflict transcended simple binary oppositions such as north versus south or Christian versus Muslim. Approximately a hundred distinct language groups exist, frequently dividing into smaller subgroups. There are only five million people on earth.

Also, relationships within the same group were very likely to split up, especially in the hostile north. The civil war’s divisions made this tendency to find friends among nearby subgroups stand out even more than among ethnic, religious, or linguistic groups that include everyone. In this way, the conflict in Chad aligns with the “warlord” model, which emphasizes regional power centers based on personal rule and military force, and the resulting politics of conflict and war.

Malloum’s new government pushed a strategy of national reconciliation. At the same time, Moammar Gaddafi, Libya’s leader, kept invading from the disputed Aouzou Strip in the far north. He also got involved in the politics of different groups within the FROLINAT, which caused a major split within the group and raised concerns in the West. Hissène Habré-led anti-Libyan organizations joined a transient coalition government with Malloum’s military council that was based on a “fundamental charter.” They kept the name Forces Armées du Nord (FAN). 

Reuniting as the Forces Armées Populaires (FAP), the remaining majority of the FAN, under the leadership of Goukouni Oueddei, maintained a robust military and territorial position. Goukouni’s troops began to advance toward the city around the middle of 1978, but French reinforcements were required to halt their progress. As the Habré-Malloum alliance began to disintegrate, it initiated a cyclical process of dissolution. The outcome was the formation of numerous distinct groups.

The Forces Armées Tchadiennes, composed of the remnants of the national army under Colonel Wadal Kamagoué in the south, and Ahmet Acyl’s New Vulcan Army in the north and center of the country, held significant importance alongside the FAN and FAP. After Malloum quit in April 1979, there were a number of talks to try to make peace. They formed a broad-based government, the Gouvernement d’union nationale de transition (GUNT), with Goukouni as president, Habré as defense minister, and Kamougué as vice president.

These were meant to show who really held positions in a government that only existed in name. The civil war started up again. The Organization of African Unity’s inter-African peacekeeping force encountered unsolvable issues with its mission and resources. What other countries did was more important. French diplomatic moves and American secret aid helped Habré’s FAN, while Gaddafi chose a short-term tactical retreat.

Idriss Deby, the FAN’s operational leader, was living in Biltine at the time of the offensive. On June 7, 1982, Habré entered the capital. Factionalism lived on. There were many separate private armies, or “codos,” in the south. With Libyan assistance, Goukouni was able to rebuild the GUNT in the north. In 1983, French paratroopers were the only ones who stopped the GUNT from taking N’Djaména. 

Habré knew that he needed to rule more than just the capital and his own main supporters if he wanted to stay in power. He was mostly effective because he used strict rules and practical policies. In addition to having a stronger military and stricter rules, Habré relied heavily on the support of the United States and France, particularly the latter. During the 1980s, French President François Mitterrand’s support depended on Chad keeping a strong wall against the Libyan invasion while also following French orders. Libya suffered costly war losses to Chad in 1986 and 1987.

So, Gaddafi agreed to let the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague handle the conflict over the Aouzou Strip. The ICJ ruled in favor of Chad in 1994. At the Franco-African Summit in 1990, President Mitterrand tried to change French policy in a way that would help Africa become more democratic by supporting liberal democracy and diversity. Even though people in Paris were against the new line, Habré had already started to change the constitution ahead of time. 

On December 10, 1989, a vote approved a new constitution and selected Habré to serve as president for seven years. As stated, 99.94% of voters agreed with this. The state could not enforce the freedoms and rights written into the constitution.

Habré and his ministers would not face accountability, regardless of how trustworthy the planned National Assembly without parties was. Throughout 1989, racial tensions among government troops in the south caused fear and discontent in N’Djaména. The Anakaza, a group of leaders in Habré’s subclan, tried to stop other groups in the alliance from making money off of the sale of Libyan weapons taken during the war in 1986–1987. 

War heroes Deby and Hassan Djamous, as well as the powerful interior minister, Mahamat Itno, stood up for isolated groups, particularly the Bideyat and Zaghawa. Only Deby lived through a failed coup and was able to run away to Darfur in western Sudan to get his life back on track. Libya helped build the Mouvement Patriotique du Salut (MPS), primarily from exiled Hadjerai and Zaghawa people, with some Zaghawa people also coming from Sudan.

Following Habré’s strong response to Mitterrand’s plan at La Baule, France changed its mind and stopped supporting him. On December 2, 1990, Deby became the MPS leader in N’Djaména. When Deby took office, he promised a quick shift to democracy. However, the process took a long time and was difficult to do. 

Early 1993 saw the holding of a sovereign national conference to draft a constitution. The meeting’s suggestions would remain untested for another three years. Over two-thirds of voters chose the new constitution, which was based on the Fifth Republic in France and had a strong president. It was clear that votes for the president and lawmakers could happen. The election for president took place over two rounds in June and July 1996. Deby beat Kamougué. 

In the January and February 1997 legislative elections, Deby’s MPS beat nine other parties to get the most seats in the new National Assembly. Many observers inside and outside the country agreed that all three elections were what most voters wanted. Of course, it became clear that there was cheating in each poll. 

Fraud was slight in the referendum, but more obvious in legislative races and the presidential election. During the Debye era, violence between people decreased. Peace agreements have led a number of political and military groups to give up their revolt and join the government and national army. 

Still, violence continues. In January 1999, the rebels launched an attack in the country’s north and east. Human rights groups have also said that the government uses harsh methods to silence its opponents, such as torturing and killing them without a trial. 

The oil fields in the southern subprefecture of Doba could bring Chad a lot of money, which is the most important thing that will determine its near future. Although this controversial project has the potential to change the economy of Chad, it could also hurt the environment and lead to a new civil war.

Also Read: Cameroon History: The Incredible Journey To Independence And Unification, 1960–1961.