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Yoruba States

Yoruba States Yoruba States Yoruba States

Yoruba States: The nineteenth century was a time of war and change for the Yoruba. Before this, the Yoruba people lived in several states. The Oyo kingdom was the strongest of these. Law and order were strong in Oyo while they were there. The fall of the empire sparked a period of chaos and unrest that lasted until the end of the 1800s. The empire fell apart quickly because of internal fighting, weakening power battles between the alafin (king) and his main chiefs, a drop in the economy caused by ending the Atlantic slave trade, and an invasion from the north by Fulani jihadists (holy war).

Fulani fighters took control of Ilorin, sacked Oyo as the capital, and destroyed many northern Yoruba towns. More than a thousand people fled to central and southern Yoruba. Many relocated to pre-existing locations that had not yet undergone destruction. Others started their own villages. In southern Yorubaland, some people came together to form raiding bands that killed and stole everything in sight.

The men from Oyo, who were refugees, attacked the towns of Owu and Egba and destroyed them. The destruction of Oyo and other factors led to the emergence of new states, each vying for control of the coastal trade routes that transported European weapons and other goods to Africa. As these successor states, like Ibadan, Ijaye, Ilorin, New Oyo, Abeokuta, and Oke Odan, fought for power and control, there were times when war broke out. 

The rising power of Ibadan stopped Ilorin’s plans to take over and subjugate most of Yorubaland for the Sokoto caliphate. Following this, Ibadan took control of most of eastern and central Yoruba, including parts of Ijesa, Ekiti, Igbomina, and Akoko. In 1862, Ibadan defeated Ijaye and removed him, making Ibadan the most powerful Yoruba state. But Ibadan’s desire to become an empire quickly caused a lot of people to respond. 

Ibadan fought in many wars. In the north, it fought the Ijesa, Ekiti, Ilorin, and other groups. In the south, it fought the Ijebu and Egba. Up until the end of the century, people were afraid and felt unsafe because of the chaos and uncertainty caused by these wars. 

All across the world, these disasters left their mark. Because the wars forced many people to relocate, resulting in the destruction and abandonment of old towns and the construction of new ones. es flocked to large towns to maximize their numbers during a time when numbers were crucial for safety and winning wars, leading to an increase in the number of people living in cities. The Yoruba culture became very militarized, and professional armies and fighters grew. 

The ologun, or war leaders, needed more people to serve as soldiers, farmhands, trade agents, wives, followers, and to increase their power and status. This resulted in more slavery and slave trade. During this period, the Atlantic saw the sale of more Yoruba as slaves than ever before, surpassing the sales of any other African group. Because they arrived late and in large groups, the Yoruba left a strong and lasting cultural mark on the New World of the Americas. The military had a lot of power in politics because war was common and people always needed to feel safe. 

In the most important new towns, the monarchy, which was a part of the traditional Yoruba political system, was thrown out in favor of new types of government that were better able to handle the needs of the time. In Ibadan, the establishment of a Republican system enabled talented individuals to secure employment opportunities. A military oligarchy, comprising a group of individuals, ruled the new country. Families did not choose the chiefs.

Yoruba States Yoruba States Yoruba States

Those in charge of “men and means” held power, and they bestowed new names on brave warriors as a token of appreciation. The fierce and dangerous competition for power among the ologun kept Ibadan and Yorubaland unstable for most of the 1900s. In Ijaye, Kurunmi, who was the ona kakanfo (commander) of the Oyo kingdom, put down and killed all of his rivals, then set up a personal autocracy that didn’t let anyone else come close until Ibadan destroyed it in 1862. 

Abeokuta and Oke Odan established a loose federal system. This system divided power among a number of almost independent villages and their well-known war chiefs. Pressures from outside the Yoruba country made the problem worse and more difficult. Islam, a foreign faith that came to Yorubaland many years before the 1800s, used the problems of that time to spread throughout the area. Recaptured or freed slaves from Europe, the United States, and Sierra Leone brought Christianity from the south.

Starting in Badagry in 1841, Christianity spread to southern and western Yorubaland and was well established by the end of the 1800s. The Nupe, who had just gotten a new line of Fulani kings from the north, also defeated the Okun-Yoruba and took over parts of Igbomina and Ekiti. The Benin army came from the southeast and reached Otun-Ekiti in the northeastern part of Yorubaland. They came from the west and attacked Ketu and Egbado. They also besieged Abeokuta four times: in 1851, 1864, 1873, and 1874. 

Even though Abeokuta’s soldiers worked hard, it also had help from the British on the coast, which made its wins easier. British businesses needed raw materials like cotton and palm oil, and Britain needed markets to sell its goods. This is why Britain got involved in the politics and economics of the West African coast. 

The British attacked and took over Lagos in 1851. They aimed to boost legal trade, allow missionaries to instill civilization in the Yoruba country, and curb the slave trade, which had flourished in Yorubaland despite the official outlawing of the transatlantic slave trade. After ten years, Lagos became a British crown colony. From then on, the British were in constant conflict with Ijebu, Egba, and Ibadan over who would control the trade lines to the interior. 

At the same time, the British got involved in trying to end the nearly 100-year-old civil fights between brothers in the Yoruba country. British and Christian missionary diplomacy proved effective, leading to the signing of a peace deal in 1886. This was because the fighting had stopped, and both sides were tired of the war. But when the European “scramble” and division of Africa began, the British dropped all pretense. In 1892, they invaded and took over Ijebu.

Both Abeokuta and Ibadan learned from this loss, which is why they gave up without a fight. The colonial troops only had to use force against New Oyo and Ilorin to get them to give up. But the memory of the upsetting events of the 1800s and their effects has had a lasting impact on the Yoruba people’s understanding of history, as well as their politics and relationships within and between groups.

The nineteenth century was a time of war and change for the Yoruba. Before this, the Yoruba people lived in several states. The Oyo kingdom was the strongest of these. Law and order were strong in Oyo while they were there. The fall of the empire sparked a period of chaos and unrest that lasted until the end of the 1800s. The empire fell apart quickly because of internal fighting, weakening power battles between the alafin (king) and his main chiefs, a drop in the economy caused by ending the Atlantic slave trade, and an invasion from the north by Fulani jihadists (holy war).

Fulani fighters took control of Ilorin, sacked Oyo as the capital, and destroyed many northern Yoruba towns. More than a thousand people fled to central and southern Yoruba. Many relocated to pre-existing locations that had not yet undergone destruction. Others started their own villages. In southern Yorubaland, some people came together to form raiding bands that killed and stole everything in sight.

The men from Oyo, who were refugees, attacked the towns of Owu and Egba and destroyed them. The destruction of Oyo and other factors led to the emergence of new states, each vying for control of the coastal trade routes that transported European weapons and other goods to Africa. As these successor states, like Ibadan, Ijaye, Ilorin, New Oyo, Abeokuta, and Oke Odan, fought for power and control, there were times when war broke out. 

Yoruba States Yoruba States Yoruba States

The rising power of Ibadan stopped Ilorin’s plans to take over and subjugate most of Yorubaland for the Sokoto caliphate. Following this, Ibadan took control of most of eastern and central Yoruba, including parts of Ijesa, Ekiti, Igbomina, and Akoko. In 1862, Ibadan defeated Ijaye and removed him, making Ibadan the most powerful Yoruba state. But Ibadan’s desire to become an empire quickly caused a lot of people to respond. 

Ibadan fought in many wars. In the north, it fought the Ijesa, Ekiti, Ilorin, and other groups. In the south, it fought the Ijebu and Egba. Up until the end of the century, people were afraid and felt unsafe because of the chaos and uncertainty caused by these wars. 

All across the world, these disasters left their mark. The wars forced many people to relocate, resulting in the destruction and abandonment of old towns and the construction of new ones. Refugees flocked to large towns to maximize their numbers during a time when numbers were crucial for safety and winning wars, leading to an increase in the number of people living in cities. The Yoruba culture became very militarized, and professional armies and fighters grew. 

The ologun, or war leaders, needed more people to serve as soldiers, farmhands, trade agents, wives, followers, and to increase their power and status. This resulted in more slavery and slave trade. During this period, the Atlantic saw the sale of more Yoruba as slaves than ever before, surpassing the sales of any other African group. Because they arrived late and in large groups, the Yoruba left a strong and lasting cultural mark on the New World of the Americas. The military had a lot of power in politics because war was common and people always needed to feel safe. 

In the most important new towns, the monarchy, which was a part of the traditional Yoruba political system, was thrown out in favor of new types of government that were better able to handle the needs of the time. In Ibadan, the establishment of a Republican system enabled talented individuals to secure employment opportunities. A military oligarchy, comprising a group of individuals, ruled the new country. Families did not choose the chiefs.

Those in charge of “men and means” held power, and they bestowed new names on brave warriors as a token of appreciation. The fierce and dangerous competition for power among the ologun kept Ibadan and Yorubaland unstable for most of the 1900s. In Ijaye, Kurunmi, who was the ona kakanfo (commander) of the Oyo kingdom, put down and killed all of his rivals, then set up a personal autocracy that didn’t let anyone else come close until Ibadan destroyed it in 1862. 

Abeokuta and Oke Odan established a loose federal system. This system divided power among a number of almost independent villages and their well-known war chiefs. Pressures from outside the Yoruba country made the problem worse and more difficult. Islam, a foreign faith that came to Yorubaland many years before the 1800s, used the problems of that time to spread throughout the area. Recaptured or freed slaves from Europe, the United States, and Sierra Leone brought Christianity from the south.

Starting in Badagry in 1841, Christianity spread to southern and western Yorubaland and was well established by the end of the 1800s. The Nupe, who had just gotten a new line of Fulani kings from the north, also defeated the Okun-Yoruba and took over parts of Igbomina and Ekiti. The Benin army came from the southeast and reached Otun-Ekiti in the northeastern part of Yorubaland. They came from the west and attacked Ketu and Egbado. They also besieged Abeokuta four times: in 1851, 1864, 1873, and 1874. 

Yoruba States Yoruba States Yoruba States

Even though Abeokuta’s soldiers worked hard, it also had help from the British on the coast, which made its wins easier. British businesses needed raw materials like cotton and palm oil, and Britain needed markets to sell its goods. This is why Britain got involved in the politics and economics of the West African coast. 

The British attacked and took over Lagos in 1851. They aimed to boost legal trade, allow missionaries to instill civilization in the Yoruba country, and curb the slave trade, which had flourished in Yorubaland despite the official outlawing of the transatlantic slave trade. After ten years, Lagos became a British crown colony. From then on, the British were in constant conflict with Ijebu, Egba, and Ibadan over who would control the trade lines to the interior. 

At the same time, the British got involved in trying to end the nearly 100-year-old civil fights between brothers in the Yoruba country. British and Christian missionary diplomacy proved effective, leading to the signing of a peace deal in 1886. This was because the fighting had stopped, and both sides were tired of the war. But when the European “scramble” and division of Africa began, the British dropped all pretense. In 1892, they invaded and took over Ijebu.

Both Abeokuta and Ibadan learned from this loss, which is why they gave up without a fight. The colonial troops only had to use force against New Oyo and Ilorin to get them to give up. But the memory of the upsetting events of the 1800s and their effects has had a lasting impact on the Yoruba people’s understanding of history, as well as their politics and relationships within and between groups.

Also Read: The Great History of Ife, Oyo, Yoruba Kingship and Art

Idi Amin

Idi Amin Dada (1924–2003), who was president of Uganda from 1971 to 1979, was known for abusing his power, not caring about human rights, being unpredictable, and tearing the country’s economy and government apart. Amin was born between 1924 and 1927 in Koboko, which used to be part of the West Nile region. His background was humble and varied. The Kakwa people live in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and Uganda, and his father was from that group. 

Idi Amin’s mother was a Lugbara, which is the biggest group of people in West Nile. She had a big impact on his early life. Because his mother had to leave his father, he left his home country when he was young. He and his mother left West Nile and lived at the Lugazi sugar estate in Buganda. To make ends meet, Amin did a lot of different jobs and moved around a lot to follow his mother wherever she went. Because of these things, he only got a fourth-grade education. 

The people who ran the British colonies liked Idi Amin. People thought he would be weak and obedient because he was big, spoke Kiswahili, and hadn’t gone to school. Idi Amin became a corporal in 1949 after joining the army as a private in 1946. In the 1950s and 1960s, there were Mau Mau rebels in Kenya who opposed British rule. Amin fought against them. In 1951, the British promoted Idi Amin to sergeant, then to lieutenant corporal, then to effendi (a rank made up of excellent African noncommissioned officers) in 1959. Idi Amin and Shaban Opolot became the first Ugandan commissioned officers to receive the rank of lieutenant in 1961.

Before Uganda got its freedom in 1962, Idi Amin’s cruelty became known. Instead of following orders to stop cattle theft between Karamoja (Uganda) and Turkana (Kenya), which is a nearby ethnic group, Idi Amin broke people’s rights in very serious ways. The British wanted to bring Amin to justice for his crimes soon after Uganda got its freedom, but Apolo Milton Obote, who became prime minister, didn’t agree with them. Instead, he scolded him. 

Even though Idi Amin didn’t agree with Obote’s plan to get educated Ugandans to join the military, he was still made captain in 1962 and major in 1963, and he was chosen to take the senior officers’ course at the Wiltshire School for Infantry in Britain in 1963. In 1964, there was a mutiny in the army, which made the military and Idi Amin in particular very important in politics. The Ugandan soldiers’ desire to make their working conditions better overall was at issue.

Idi Amin’s actions to resolve the situation led to his promotion to colonel and his assignment to lead the First Battalion. Obote’s desire to assist supporters of Patrice Lumumba, the murdered prime minister of the Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), gave Amin a chance to get close to Prime Minister Obote. Obote told Idi Amin to set up military camps in the Congo, but the army’s chief of staff didn’t know about it. 

Idi Amin was also involved in obtaining coffee, cash, and ivory from the Congo so that Uganda could buy weapons. People who were against Obote, like the Kabaka (King) of Buganda (Edward Mutesa), wanted to start an investigation into the illegal entry of gold and ivory into Uganda. To get around the problem, Obote set up an investigation committee, arrested five cabinet ministers, suspended the constitution, fired the kabaka, and made Amin commander of the armed forces. 

Idi Amin struck Kabaka’s palace with no mercy, which made Mutesa run away to Britain, where he died in exile in 1969. On January 25, 1971, Idi Amin successfully staged his coup d’état against Obote’s government, ending the period of shaky politics that began in 1966. The biggest ethnic group in Uganda, the Baganda, was angry with Obote politically, and there were also disagreements within the ruling party, the Uganda People’s Congress.

In 1970, Obote appointed Idi Amin chief of general staff, which gave him control over all parts of the military and allowed him to overthrow Obote’s government on January 25, 1971. It is not clear why Obote did this. Idi Amin did not make policies in an orderly manner during his eight years in power, had sycophants around, and used terror to keep people in line.

Due to Idi Amin’s poor leadership, the government was completely broken up. In many Ugandans’ minds and the minds of people around the world, Amin was a simple man who got involved in politics to save the country. Between 1971 and 1972, Amin engaged in open discussions with ordinary citizens, dismantled Obote’s secret police, released political prisoners, allowed the return of Kabaka’s body for a royal burial, assembled a cabinet of technocrats, and assured Ugandans that he would restore power to the people.

Amin’s true nature finally came out: he was a complete liar who was ruthless, shrewd, unpredictable, and clever. During the happy years (1971–1972), Amin killed many of Obote’s supporters in the military, mostly Acholi and Langi people. Despite his friendship with the West at the time, Amin issued a decree allowing detention without trial again and ordered the deaths of two Americans, Nicholas Stroh and Robert Siedle, who were investigating massacres at the Mbarara barracks in western Uganda.

Amin quickly turned against Britain and Israel in 1972, even though they had been his closest allies, because they wouldn’t give him money and weapons. When they were hesitant, Amin appreciated that Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan leader, was ready to help him. The deal between Amin and Gaddafi was clear: Amin would get rid of Western interests in Uganda in exchange for Libya’s money. 

Amin told Israelis they had to leave the country in three days, on March 27 and again on August 5, 1972. He also told Asians with British passports they had to leave within three months. Amin said that what he was doing was okay because he wanted to get rid of “imperialists and Zionists” and replace them with African businesspeople. Amin’s expulsion of 50,000 Asian traders sparked an “economic war.”. This, along with his anti-Western views, caused problems for Uganda that it has yet to fully recover from. 

Amin gave the economy to Nubians and a few Ugandans, but none of them had run a business before. This led to the destruction of Uganda’s previously thriving economy. As soon as it happened, basic things like bread, butter, milk, sugar, and salt became hard to find. People with a lot of economic power made fake shortages and then sold the goods through a system known as magendo, which means “illegal” or “underground economy.” 

The economy started to be characterized by corruption. When the foreigners left, Uganda lost tax money and jobs because many of the Ugandans who had worked for them couldn’t find new work. Amin tried to find someone or something to blame for the loss of his “Economic War.” With the help of his secret police, the State Research Bureau, the Public Safety Unit, and the rest of the armed forces, Amin controlled and scared Ugandans.

He killed anyone he thought might be a threat. The cost of living under Amin’s rule was terrible for people. Few intelligent Ugandans stayed in the country because they were afraid for their lives. Most of the country’s money went to the military and Amin’s personal safety. Consequently, the government neglected schooling and the industrial and manufacturing sectors. The situation in Uganda got worse because the country couldn’t get enough foreign aid. A number of skilled foreign ministers tried to change the world’s perception that Amin didn’t have the brains and experience to run the country.

They had some success in this area, as shown by the fact that Tanzania signed the Mogadishu (Somalia) agreement with Uganda in 1972; Amin was elected as chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1975; and African countries were able to stop a UN resolution in 1977 that would have condemned Amin for gross violations of human rights. Instead of using African help to improve Uganda’s bad reputation, Amin’s unstable behavior caused one embarrassing event after another. 

Soon after the rapid expulsion of Asians in 1972, Amin ordered the killings of Archbishop Janani Luwum in 1977, Chief Justice Benedicto Kiwanuka in 1972, and Foreign Minister Michael Ondoga in 1974. He also backed the Palestinians, who took over an Air France flight to Entebbe airport in 1976. To deal with this, both the US and UK closed their embassies in Uganda in 1973 and 1976. 

Other than its trade with Libya and Saudi Arabia, all of Uganda’s business deals with other countries were short-term or cash-based. Because of its business deals, the country gained a bad reputation around the world, which hurt the economy as a whole. The hardest-hit sector was the tourism industry. The economy was a mess by the late 1970s. 

Kenya’s main product, coffee, fell from $3.18 (U.S.) per pound to $1.28 per pound. The problem got worse when the US stopped buying coffee from Uganda in 1978. Arab countries, who had previously provided Amin with significant financial support, began to express concern when he failed to convert Uganda to Islam and became involved in the killing of Muslims.

It was hard for Amin to buy luxury items for his army because the economy was getting worse. In October 1978, Amin ordered an invasion of Tanzania, supposedly because that country wanted to overthrow his government. He did this to draw attention away from the problem. Tanzania was preoccupied with the “Rhodesian questions” at the time and believed that the 1972 Mogadishu Agreement had ended all hostilities between the two countries. They were caught off guard. 

As a result, Amin’s soldiers quickly took over the country, killing and destroying many Tanzanians’ property. Even though the OAU tried to get Amin to give up his claims to Tanzania, he refused. Julius Nyerere, president of Tanzania from 1961 to 1985, had to tell the Tanzania People’s Defense troops to fight off the Ugandan troops. Exiled Tanzanians and Ugandan soldiers continued their search for Amin until the toppling of his government on April 11, 1979.

Amin ran away to Libya. After that, he went to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, and new information says he had a good life there. He passed away on August 16, 2003. The ongoing issues Uganda faces are proof that Amin’s rule severely harmed the country’s political, economic, social, and cultural life.

Also Read: Uganda President Yoweri Museveni: A complete Biography

Tuareg Tribe

Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe

By the end of the 1800s, the Tuareg Tribe were slowly losing power over the huge area they had been living in. The French started to move from Senegal into West Africa, then into North Africa. This placed the nomads in the middle of two parts of the same foreign power, which wanted to connect its holdings on either side of the continent.

The Tuareg Tribe were one of the groups that fought colonization the hardest and longest. They were determined to keep their independence and freedom. The River Tuaregs killed many of Bonnier’s men at Takoubao in February 1894, but Colonel Joffre took control of the city of Timbuktu anyway.

In the east, Madidou, the amenokal of the Iwllemmedan, made a treaty with Lieutenant Hourst of the French Navy in 1896. Hourst was coming down the River Niger, and Madidou’s group gave up and surrendered to the French in 1902. This meant that by the early 1900s, the French controlled both sides of the Niger. At the same time, troops from Algeria were slowly moving south across the Sahara. The Flamand-Pein mission took over the city of In Salah on December 28, 1899. At the same time, the Eu mission set up shop in the deserts of Tidikelt and Touat. 

In 1901, Lieutenant Colonel Laperrine took command of the Saharan Oases and established the Saharan Companies. On May 7, 1902, Lieutenant Cottenest broke through the Hoggar and defeated the Tuaregs in the Battle of Tit. Not long after this fight, the famous Kel Ahaggar warlord Moussa ag Amastane gave up and let the French take over. 

At Timiawin in April 1904, Laperrine, who was coming from the north, met Captain Théveniaud, who had left from the banks of the Niger. This was the first time that troops from Sudan and Algeria worked together. However, the real occupation of the Adrar des Ifoghas didn’t occur until 1908. Additionally, the Convention of Niamey in 1909 established the border between Algeria and French Sudan.

However, the French still faced significant uprisings, which prevented them from effectively suppressing the Tuaregs. Firhun, the amenokal of the Iwllemmedan, led one of them in 1916, while Kaocen of the Kel Air led the other. Through the Sanussiyya order, Kaocen became friendly with both the Ottoman Turks and the Germans. Lastly, Kel Ajjer didn’t lose control of the city of Djanet until 1920.

The traditional chiefs ran the colonial government because the French never had more than a small physical presence in this vast area. It was their job to gather their people for the census and use that information to figure out how to pay their taxes. 

In the same vein, justice was generally based on customary law. During the colonial period, there were not many changes or improvements to the territory, and schooling was still in its early stages. The French government’s primary responsibility was to keep things in order, both inside and outside of France. In its early years as a colony, its primary concerns were combating the rezzous, primarily from Morocco to the south, and ensuring the arbitration of internal disputes.

Even so, colonization did have some important results. The creation of administrative borders across the Sahara broke up the Tuareg lands, which had been the basis for economic activities, relationships, and social and political ties. This had a huge impact on Tuareg society’s ability to work together. 

Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe

As new power relationships were set up, old ones between masters, relationships of dependence within the country, and relationships of dominance over the nomadic peoples of the Sudanese Sahel were all broken up. 

When a whole group of people were pushed to the edges of new economic systems brought about by colonization and they still hadn’t gotten used to the new social and political structures of the settled population (who were being educated and made more open to outside influences), it took a long time for the Tuaregs to catch up. 

At the time of decolonization, when the Tuareg people were already on the outside of a growing society, the French left them in this terrible position. In 1963, the Tuaregs of the Adrar of the Ifoghas rose up against Mali’s new government. Other Tuareg groups did not join this first uprising, though, and the new Malian army put down the rebellion with a lot of killing. 

Because of this, the Tuareg groups in the Sahel came to not trust the government. At the same time, in Mali and Niger, the new regimes took over the military and administrative systems left over from the French and began a new kind of colonization of the nomad populations. The Tuaregs were not part of these states’ structures; not many Tuaregs joined the military or the highest levels of government. 

The troops managed their areas and didn’t see many building projects. These already tough conditions got a lot worse during the frequent droughts in the 1970s and 1980s, which killed off a lot of animals and made pastoral nomadism less viable. 

Many hundreds of thousands of Tuaregs fled to nearby Algeria, Mauritania, and Libya, but they had to live on the edges of cities in the Sahel without any resources and in dangerous conditions. A large number of young men went to Libya because they knew they could find work there. 

Many of them joined Colonel Moammar Gaddafi’s forces and participated in Libya’s external campaigns, primarily in Chad and Lebanon. Young Tuaregs used these events to get military training in case they wanted to rebel in the future. They also got together publicly and formed the Front populaire de libération du Sahara arabe central (FPLSAC) in September 1980. In 1990, the FPLSAC began its rebellion. 

The killings by the army at Tchin Tabaraden in Niger outraged people all over the world, but Iyad ag Ghali’s armed attack on Menaka in June 1990 marked the real beginning of the uprising in Mali. Then there were dozens of attacks on Mali’s military sites in the Adrar of the Ifoghas. 

Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe

President Moussa Traoré, Mali’s dictator, was already fighting democratic opponents in the south of the country. To gain more power in that area, he signed the Tamanrasset accords with the Mouvement populaire de l’Azawad and the Front islamique arabe de l’Azawad on January 6, 1991. However, these agreements, forged too quickly, yielded no results.

On March 26, 1991, Banako overthrew Moussa Traoré’s government. In the north of the country, the troops and the different groups of Tuaregs were constantly fighting with each other. 

There were many complex reasons for these divisions within the group, including disagreements about the fight’s ultimate goals, personal rivalries and strategies, differences in geography and family ties, social conflicts within the group, and opposition to the traditional structures of chieftainships and dominant lineages. 

After months of negotiations, the Mouvements et Fronts unifiés de l’Azawad and the new Mali government under Amadou Toumani Touré signed an agreement on April 11, 1992. This agreement was called the Pacte National (National Pact), and it happened right before Alpha Omar Konaré became the first democratically elected president of Mali. 

The Pacte nationals allowed the rebel fighters to become part of Mali society. The Pacte National also conferred a unique status on the north, resulting in significant decentralization. Because of this, there was less and less danger, and the ceremony of the Flamme de la Paix (Flame of Peace) on March 27, 1996, when the rebel groups said they were breaking up, was a sign of the return of peace to Mali. 

Things happened in Niger in a similar way. On May 15, 1992, the Front de libération de l’Aér et de l’Azawakh signed an initial cease-fire agreement with the state of Niger. This was after many attacks in the north of the country, especially in the Air Mountain. This didn’t last, so in March 1993, there was a second cease-fire. Mano Dayak’s leadership in the Coordination de la résistance armée finally brought the rebel movement together after it split into several fronts. In February 1994, Dayak laid out his political platform. 

Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe Tuareg Tribe

There were long talks between Burkina Faso, France, and Algeria that led to the signing of a peace deal on April 24, 1995. But it wasn’t until November 28, 1997, that the last Tuareg rebels in the Union des forces de la résistance armée, who were working with the Toubou rebels, signed a deal with the Niger government. When the Tuaregs rose up, they didn’t question the state borders that Mali and Niger still had from when they were colonies. 

Instead, they aimed to better integrate the nomad groups excluded since decolonization into politics, the economy, and society. In both countries, achieving this required the Tuaregs to become full citizens, recognizing their culture as an integral part of the country’s identity, and ensuring the Tuareg regions were truly open to everyone.

By the end of the 1990s, hundreds from the Tuareg Tribe had joined the regular forces of both states, and people in the South were starting to understand that nomad societies were an important part of their countries. These goals appeared to be imminently achievable.

Also Read: Who Are The Mandé People

Trans Saharan Trade

Trans Saharan Trade Trans Saharan Trade

Trans Saharan Trade: Before the Romans came to North Africa, trade went across the Sahara between North Africa and the West African Sudan. The camel was the only animal suitable for regular, large-scale trade in the Sahara during the first few hundred years. When the Arabs took over North Africa in the seventh and eighth centuries, the trans-Saharan caravan trade grew. This was a big reason why there were governments south of the Sahara. 

Going north, the main goods were gold, slaves, spices, leather, and later ostrich feathers. Going south, the main goods were guns, horses, textiles, and paper. From the eighth century on, North African Arabic writers get more specific about kingdoms in the Western Sudan that were on the edges of the Sahel and Sahara: Takrur in the far west, on the Senegal; Ghana in the open Sahel farther east; and Gao on the Niger bend, which became the center of the Songhay empire. 

The Malinke people were reportedly building a kingdom further south on the upper Niger and its branches in the eleventh century. This kingdom was a likely ancestor of the Mali empire. Until the 1590s, these states were the foundation of the political and business powers in western Sudan (Curtin et al., 1984). 

Trans Saharan Trade Trans Saharan Trade

Permanent towns in Saharan pastoral nomad areas were also very important, such as Aoudaghost in Mauritania, Tadamakkat-Es-Suk in Mali, and Takadda-Azelik in Niger. These places were important for trade, religious learning, and the arts. Islamic learning took place in places like Timbuktu, Jenne, Takedda, and Gazargamu from the 1400s to the 1600s. From these places, Islamic scholars rose to power as officials, scribes, envoys, and peacemakers.

Scholars and mystics who lived in the Mali Adrar and the Air Mountains built cells and monasteries there. Many of the Shaharans were descendants of Arab and Berber families who had lived in these areas for hundreds of years. One of them was Massufa Sahhaja. They regarded the Inessufa Icherifan as their ancestors. These people, who now live mostly around the town of In Gall in Niger, around Takadda (Azelik), and in Agadez itself, were in charge of the copper and salt complex of Takadda in the Middle Ages. 

In addition, they resided in Anu Samman, the “town of scholars,” whose ruins are located west of Agadez. Before Agadez gained fame, Takadda established itself as a hub for commerce and the teaching of Islamic studies (Norris 1990). Political groups, sometimes at odds with each other, could conduct business thanks to the infrastructure of these settled centers and the setup of the caravan trade.

At the edge of the desert, trans-Saharan trade came together. A state that didn’t move around much and was close to the desert would want to control the desert ports and as much of the border between the desert and the grassland as possible. Because there were only a few buyers and sellers, there was no need to set a market price when trading gold for salt.

The few salt sources in the Sahara made it easy to control who got the salt. In the same way, one state could rule all of gold, but no country south of the Sahara has ever taken over the three main gold fields in West Africa. The people who lived in the oases and across the Sahara gained from this trade by setting up markets there or by getting tolls and protection money from foreign traders. 

The group controlling the trade route could also exert control over the local population, thereby converting these profits into political wealth. Farmers could use the money to cultivate crops in areas near deserts. In local and regional trade, salt has been the most important good. People in the south have traded salt for rice or other foods.

Trans Saharan Trade Trans Saharan Trade

The deserts of Mauritania and Mali, the Saharan Tenere in eastern Niger near Fachi, and the Kawar region at Bilma all contain significant amounts of it. The first known rock salt mine was in Idjil, which is now Mauritania. From the 10th century to the 15th, workers dug up the reserves. 

During the 1400s, Taghaza, which is now Mali, was also fully operational. Taodeni (Taghaza al Ghizlan) replaced Taghaza after its destruction in the 1600s. By the mid-1900s, it was still making several thousand tons of salt every year. 

The Tuareg participated in the salt trade, and they used the money they made from selling salt and dates to buy things like indigo cloth, spices, household items, and tools. Large yearly caravans of several thousand camels each brought salt and dates to markets in cities on the Sahel’s edge. 

Tuareg traders made most of the money from the salt trade, though, compared to other trans-Saharan trades. At first, there were three trans-Saharan travel routes used for this trade. Over time, only two routes remained important: the route east to Bilma and the route to Fachi for salt and dates. In October or November, men from the Air region go on leave. They trade millet for salt and dates in that place, then go back to the air for a short time before going south to Kano to trade millet, salt, and dates there. 

Five to seven months out of the year, caravanners stay in the Hausa Southlands and bring back millet, tools, pots, cloth, spices, and other things. They used camel pastures to the west to feed them before they left.

One camel carried three sacks of millet from Hausaland. When trucks started crossing the Sahara, they didn’t replace camel caravans, but they did make them less important because one truck can carry as much as twenty camels’ loads. There are camel caravanners who go themselves, as well as those who send family members or former slaves who are still working for the caravanner’s family. 

If a caravanner takes one camel, he gets to keep half a sack of millet. If he takes six camels, for example, he gets to keep three sacks, while the owner who sent him gets fifteen sacks, and so on. Nobles used to bring back one sack of millet for each family of a smith or craft client. 

Before, slaves went with the caravans to cook and take care of the horses. Tuareg noble women haven’t usually gone on caravan trade trips; in the past, only slave women went to cook and gather firewood. However, women can be indirectly involved in the caravan trade by sending camels with male relatives (Rasmussen 1998). 

Trans Saharan Trade Trans Saharan Trade

The trans-Saharan trade mostly involved Tuareg people as guides, messengers, and hired security guards. They also held control over a significant amount of desert-edge goods intended for export across the Sahara. In the 1870s, Sudan’s exports of ostrich feathers grew quickly. They dropped again in the 1880s, but by the 1890s, they made up about half of the country’s total export value. 

North Africans who lived outside of North Africa, mostly from Ghadames, provided most of the money for the feather trade. There weren’t many nomads with the money to spend directly on trans-Saharan trade. Instead, camel owners received payment for each load they transported, allowing North Africans to manage the logistics due to their greater market knowledge and financial connections.

Trade was what kept the Mali and Songhay countries going. The discovery of trade routes in new areas, particularly in the Americas, led to a decrease in both the volume and value of trade. For instance, traders could buy and sell gold across the Atlantic. Ships could sail to the coast of West Africa and back to Europe by the middle of the 1400s, thanks to the development of the lateen sail and the stern-post rudder. 

People who wanted to trade with West Africans no longer had to cross the desert. As a result, long-distance trade moved away from the Sahel and toward the ports of Africa.

Also Read: The Struggle for Egypt and North Africa

The Great Empires

Great Empires

Great Empires: In the southwestern part of Zimbabwe, there were two strong states from the late 1400s to the early 1800s. The area is mostly farmland and borders the Kalahari Desert. Archaeology reveals that it was once home to people from the Toutswe State period (around 900–1200). 

The Leopard’s Kopje culture, associated with the towns of Mapela and Mapungubwe in the Limpopo Valley and Ntabazingwe near Bulawayo, defines the native people. Portuguese records from the 1600s and 1700s likely refer to this area as the Guruuswa (“tall grass”), also known as Butua.

Cow ranching, an ancient economic practice dating back over 400 years, currently occupies this land. Traditional drought-resistant crops like millet and sorghum can only grow in areas where there is little rain and frequent droughts. Besides these, there are also horses that eat mopane leaves during the dry seasons. 

According to Portuguese records, there is a rich gold belt, but the kings’ wealth and power came from their cattle. It was easy to take care of cattle, they grew quickly, and they could be traded for other things. Rulers used cattle to protect themselves in case crops failed and to express gratitude to the army, miners, metal workers, and traders.

Great Empires

Khami served as the capital of the first of these states, Torwa, which existed from around 1450 to 1660. Changamire Dombo (d. 1695) founded the Rozvi State, which took its place (between 1680 and 1830). Rebels or outsiders (vatorwa) from the Mutapa state are believed to have started the Torwa state in the second half of the 1500s.

A family known as the Torwa split off and established themselves in Guruuswa, located on the southwestern edge of the state, around 1494. It is linked to the Torwa, and there was a rebellion in Mutapa State from 1490 to 1547. From 1547 onwards, they remained silent until a civil war destroyed their city in the middle of the 1600s.

In the early 1640s, there was a political dispute in the area that the Torwa controlled. During a power battle, one of the Torwa rulers lost and had to leave. The Portuguese sent a small army under the leadership of Sismundo Dias Bayao to help end the fighting. This event has something to do with Khami’s fall. The center moved about 150 kilometers to the east, and the Torwa ruled there until the early 1680s. 

Great Empires

In reaction to the growing threat of Portuguese traders and people holding prazos from the northeast, the military changed a lot between the 1640s and 1680s. People were worried about how shaky the government was in Mutapa State and how many more Portuguese were on the Zimbabwe Plateau. In 1684, the Dombo Changamire-led Karanga took control from the Torwa family.

The group was known as the Rozvi. Dombo Changamire started a strong state that had an impact on places like Mukaranga, Mbire, and Manyika, which were once part of the Mutapa State. Not much is known about Dombo Changamire, but history sources say he was related to one of the Torwa leaders and became a politician by getting rich from cattle. 

His name is also tied to Mutapa State, where Portuguese records say he worked as a herder for the king. Stories about him say that he had special powers, like the ability to make it rain. He was also known for his other magical abilities and bravery. 

The Portuguese thought he was a wizard, most likely because of how well he did in battle. He appears to have made his army so strong that it defeated the Portuguese and drove them off the Zimbabwe Plateau in the 1680s. 

Archeological methods have found stone buildings from at least the 1400s in the southwest of Zimbabwe. These buildings feature protective walls composed of well-shaped rectangular blocks, topped by platforms supporting circular houses.

There are many checkered, herringbone, dentelle, and other linear designs on the walls. Khami, near Bulawayo, is where most of the people live. In the area that the Torwa used to rule, there are stone houses of different sizes. The Rozvi continued to build with stone and made pottery with bands, panels, and incised designs in various colors. 

Great Empires Great Empires

Their main city was Danangombe, and Naletale, Zinjanja, and Manyanga were also important towns. This similarity in culture between Torwa and Rozvi makes it seem like they were the same person. The southwest’s stone building design shows how the culture that used to be based in Great Zimbabwe grew. 

After Dombo Changamire died, there were disagreements about who should take over as king. These arguments weakened the power of the state. A lot of Rozvi people moved to new places, and some of them set up chiefdoms where they lived. One of Dombo Changamire’s sons went to Hwange in the northwest and set up a government with the Nambya and the Tonga. 

Another son crossed the Limpopo River and took over the Venda’s land, establishing a city called Dzata in the Zoutpansberg. Around 1730, Dutch traders who lived in Delagoa Bay talked about Thovhela State. The Zimbabwean culture system has been found in both the Nambya and the Venda, which shows that the culture is still alive and growing. 

The Torwa-Rozvi ruled in southwest Zimbabwe for almost 400 years. The number of Rozvi people decreased when the Mfecane groups from the south of Limpopo arrived. Direct attacks from the Sotho and Nguni, along with the later Ndebele settlement, wiped out the Rozvi in the 1850s.

Also Read: Great African Moors who Civilized Europe

History Of Sunni Ali

Songhay was the last of the three great powers that ruled Western Sudan. The Sunni dynasty laid the foundation. Songhay grew into an empire under Sunni Ali (r. 1464–1492), completely passing Mali, which was in decline by the early 1500s. 

Land fights took up a lot of Sunni’s time in power. The Sonni family had built up a strong army of horsemen and war canoes. Suleyman Dandi used these to take Songhay land upstream along the Niger bend. As soon as Sunni Ali took the throne, he turned his attention north and marched on Timbuktu, which the Tuareg had taken from Mali in its last days. 

Sunni Ali won many of the wars he fought. He was in charge of the city starting in 1468. When the Tuaregs and Sunni Ali took over the city, some of the most powerful families in the city didn’t do much to protect themselves. They likely viewed the Tuareg as a good Muslim partner who could help them fight the Songhay. After he took over Timbuktu, Sunni Ali was mean to the qadis and ‘ulama. 

During Sunni Ali’s time, there was definitely less scholarship in Timbuktu. Muslim writers and preachers were very angry with Ali for this because they saw it as disrespecting Islam. Next, in the late 1480s, Sunni Ali’s troops moved into the troubled Mossi area and pushed the Mossi to the south of the Niger. He tried to defeat the Mossi, but he failed. He then crossed the Niger and took over the Hausa state of Kebbi. 

When they went to war, Sunni Ali’s army always won. He was an impressive military leader who grew the Songhay kingdom all the way into the desert in the north and as far as Jenne in the southwest. He forced the Mossi to retreat south of the Niger in the late 1480s, yet their defeat remained elusive. Sunni Ali came up with a new way to run the government. 

He divided the lands he had taken over into provinces, putting the former rulers in charge of some and his armed officials in charge of others. He appointed a special governor called the tondifari, which translates to “governor of the mountains,” to manage the difficult Mossi region. He also appointed a hi-koy, or chief military officer, for his fleet. 

Arabic scholars have harsh words for Sunni Ali because he attacked Timbuktu’s Muslim educational and religious center and was rude to the clerics. He also went after the Tuareg people. In contrast to Askia Muhammed, they painted him as a cruel ruler and oppressor. 

Scholars and ‘ulama in Islam have said many bad things about Sunni Ali, but the Songhay people remember him as a great conquering hero who started the Songhay Empire. Muhammad Ture, a devout Muslim of Soninke descent and one of his generals, swiftly removed his heir from power. He died in 1492. He then changed his name to Askiya and became known as Askiya the Great.

Also Read: The Incredible History of the Askiya Dynasty

Sokoto Caliphate

Sokoto Caliphate

Sokoto Caliphate: In Hausaland, which is now northern Nigeria, walled towns that had become important trade hubs in the 15th and 16th centuries were the sites of centralized states. Kano, Katsina, Zazzau, Zamfara, Kebbi, and Gobir were the most well-known of these states. 

A lot of people from different ethnic groups also moved to the Hausa states. The Fulbe (Fulani in Hausa), a group of herders who came from Futa Toro and lived across a lot of the West African desert, were one of the most important of these groups. 

At least in cities, Islam had grown from being the religion of a small group of traders and scholars to being the main religion of the Hausa states. However, by the end of the 18th century, many people were still practicing their own religions. 

Many of the Fulani mallams (educated Muslims) in Hausaland came from the Torodbe community. The Torodbe community often viewed this mix of religions as an act of infidelity, leading many Torodbe to advocate for the establishment of Muslim states that would enforce Shari’a (Islamic law).

But Shehu ‘Uthman dan Fodio, who was the spiritual leader of the Sokoto jihad (holy war), didn’t want to get involved in politics at first. So, when he was an advisor at the court of Sarkin Gobir Bawa in the early 1780s, there wasn’t much reason to think he would lead a movement against the Gobir government. 

Sokoto Caliphate Sokoto Caliphate

But when it became clear that the Hausa rulers didn’t want to give up the non-Muslim religious practices that helped them keep power, ‘Uthman allowed the formation of independent Muslim groups all over Hausaland. His approval among the Fulani was not uniform, though. Some Torodbe didn’t believe in ‘Uthman’s plan to make things better, while others were happy at court and didn’t want things to change. 

Many, on the other hand, supported the movement because their income depended on the whims of their rich Hausa hosts. This was because farming, trade, and commerce were seen as taking away from living a religious life. Similarly, religious criticism of the political and economic system they had come to appreciate did not sway many of the Fulanin Gidda (settled Fulani).

But a lot of Fulanin Gidda, who wanted more political power, also joined the terrorist army. On the other hand, the non-Muslim Baroji (pastoral Fulani), who lived all over Hausaland, stayed away from town life and got along well with the Hausa farmers. 

Even so, the jangali (a tax on cattle), the forced military service, and the limits on water and grazing land use often made the heads of the independent clans side with Usman. The main groups fighting in the Sokoto jihad were Fulani-led independent armies, but many Hausa peasants joined as well. They were fed up with slavery, high taxes, a corrupt government, and customary rights that let the rich choose which daughters and animals to use as slaves. 

Sokoto Caliphate Sokoto Caliphate

Because of this, when ‘Uthman talked about an Islam where Muslims would not be slaves and the government would be fair to everyone, he was also speaking for the Hausa, who were unhappy. By the early 1900s, there were an alarmingly large number of ‘Uthman’s followers in Gobir. 

In 1803, Sarkin Gobir Yunfa called ‘Uthman to the house and tried to kill him. Heavenly providence allegedly thwarted the assassination attempt, and following the Prophet Muhammad’s tradition, the shehu fled with his brother Abdullah and his son Muhammad Bello. But the fight didn’t start until Yunfa attacked the Muslims in 1804. At that point, Yunfa appointed Uthman as the “commander of the faithful.”

But in the armed battles that followed, Abdullah and Bello were the ones who made most of the important choices. In 1804 at Tabkin Kwatto, the shehu’s followers beat the Gobirawa, who had more soldiers, but they won because they were mostly shooters. Next, they went after Gobir’s city, Alkalawa, but lost over 2,000 of their best soldiers. The shehu’s men then went back to Zamfara, which they eventually took over. 

The terrorists left Zamfara and went to Gwandu in the southern part of Kebbi. The Gobirawa struck Gwandu with help from the Tuareg and the rebellious Kebbawa and Zamfarawa. The town wasn’t well protected, and the hilly landscape made it hard for Gobirawa’s heavy horse corps and Tuareg camel corps to attack. 

In the end, the shehu’s shooters won the whole battle. In 1805, the people carrying the Shehu flags attacked Zazzau. Reformers caught Makau, the son and heir of Sarkin Zazzau, off guard as he made his way to a special prayer ground outside the city walls. He had to run away, and the city of Zaria fell without a fight. 

After defeating Kebbi and Zamfara in the west in 1806, Bello went to Katsina to help the shehu’s followers there. Fulani, Zamfarawa, and Kanawa defeated Sarkin Katsina’s troops at Dankama. By 1807, they had also taken control of the large city of Kano.

Sokoto Caliphate Sokoto Caliphate Sokoto Caliphate

It was impossible for Gobir to get away because the reformers had control of Kano, Zazzau, Katsina, Kebbi, and Zamfara. Bello took Alkalawa in 1808 and killed Sarkin Gobir Yunfa with all of his soldiers by his side. The empire transformed all the Hausa states into emirates, with Sokoto serving as their capital, following Gobir’s defeat.

The north produced Ahir and Adar, the south produced Yauri, Gombe, Adamawa, and Bauchi, the west produced Gurma, and the east produced Hadejia and Katagum (in areas previously ruled by Bornu). When the shehu died in 1817, Bello became the “commander of the faithful”. The result was the division of the empire into two parts. Yauri and Gurma, along with most of Kebbi and its old provinces, became Abdullah’s western sultanate of Gwandu. 

Bello took over most of the empire. Bello’s eastern sultanate encompassed Kano, Katsina, Zazzau, Bauchi, Adamawa, Daura, Hadejia, and Ahir, along with the merged states of Gobir, Zamfara, and parts of Kebbi to form the urban sultanate of Sokoto.

During the early stages of growth, the emirates of the newly formed Sokoto caliphate had a lot of freedom. There were areas within the caliphate’s borders where Muslims remained unruled, and the peasants continued to believe in multiple gods.

Still, this huge kingdom, which spanned from Bornu in the east to Songhay in the west, brought together all of the Hausa states for the first time in their history. It did this by replacing each state’s native religion with an Islamic one.

Also Read: Who are the Yoruba People?

Nubian Kingdoms

Nubian kingdoms: When the Kushite state fell apart in the fourth century CE, the Nubians took over as new rulers. They divided into three states by the sixth century: ‘Alwa, Nobadia, and Makurra. Faras, the capital of Nobadia, had been a significant city for thousands of years. This was different from Soba (Soba East) and Dongola (now called Old Dongola to differentiate it from the current city 120 kilometers to the north), which were the capitals of ‘Alwa and Makurra. 

At Dongola, a bark stand with the name Taharqo (690–664 BCE) was discovered. At Soba, researchers discovered a granite statue base, a capital featuring the head of Hathor, and two criosphinxes, one adorned with Meroitic hieroglyphs. However, it looks like the foundations of both of these towns are relatively new and don’t go back to the early days of the Nubian kingdoms. 

The first building to prove that people lived in Dongola is the huge defense wall that was built on the hill with a view of the Nile. Pottery found nearby indicates that this wall dates to the early sixth century. We can date the remains of round wooden huts from around the same time at Soba.

Since neither site has pottery or other ancient artifacts, we must assume that the Kushite monumental sculptures and inscribed blocks originated elsewhere. Dongola is well-positioned to defend itself because it has a great view of the Nile and can easily control river traffic. It’s also where trade lines from Darfur in the west and Kordofan in the southwest meet the Nile.

Nubian Kingdoms Nubian Kingdoms

An ancient Nile route forms a fertile basin known as Letti, directly next to the town to the north. Determining the reason behind the selection of Soba is a challenging task. It is located on the right side of the Blue Nile, 22 kilometers upstream from where the Blue and White Niles meet in what is now Khartoum. The plains around Soba don’t seem to favor this site over others nearby, and the Wadi Soba, which is right next to it, isn’t a big part of the scenery either. 

Wallace Budge said he found evidence of a defensive wall and gate when he dug on the site in 1903, but more research has not shown this to be true. Arab sources, which frequently discuss attacks on the town, and the extensive and ongoing excavations at the site, started in 1964 by the Polish Mediterranean Research Center, give a general idea of Dongola’s history.

On the other hand, Arab sources rarely mention Soba because it is much farther to the south. The excavations have also been much less extensive. The early inhabitants of Dongola likely prioritized defense, but by the late sixth century, they had constructed large buildings outside the walls in the plain to the north. When an Arab army attacked the town in 652 and burned at least one of these churches, it broke the false sense of security that this gave people.


But after the war was over, the town grew to the north and finally covered an area 2.8 kilometers long and 0.9 kilometers wide, though not all of it may have been densely populated. Churches and temples were the most important buildings in the town. The town and the kingdom it was the center of were very active, as shown by the large churches that were often torn down and rebuilt on a bigger and bigger scale. 

The throne hall of the kings is an impressive two-story building that is about 10 meters tall and dates from the height of its use in the Classic Christian period (85–1100). Other fine homes also date from this era. When Ibn Selim el Aswani went to ‘Alwa around 970, he said that it had “fine buildings and large monasteries, churches rich with gold, and gardens.” 

Nubian Kingdoms Nubian Kingdoms

Within the town, Abu Salih wrote in the 1100s that there was “a very large and spacious church, skillfully planned and constructed. They dubbed it the Church of Manbali. In the 1980s, the British Institute in Eastern Africa dug up the remains of three of these churches. Two of them are about the same size and style as the best churches known to exist in Dongola. 

Both towns clearly shared similar art traditions, but it’s unclear whether one directly influenced the other or which was the more significant participant in this cultural exchange. Researchers have found five churches at Soba, as well as a big palace. The palace was probably the home of the archbishop of Soba, or the king, since it was so close to the three churches. David was king of ‘Alwa and possibly ruled from 99 to 1015. The building housed his marble tombstone.

In the early Middle Ages, when it covered 2.75 square kilometers, Soba seems to have been at its biggest. Later, it became less nucleated, but the population may have stayed the same. 
The fall of Dongola happened at the same time that Makurra became generally poor. This was because of constant attacks from the north that started in the late 1100s and destroyed many of the important buildings, possibly made worse by earthquake damage. In 1317, the throne hall underwent a transformation into a mosque, and the first Muslim ruler assumed the throne in 1323.

Before the end of that century, the city stopped being the capital of Makurra because the royal court moved to Derr, a town in the north. Our understanding of the disintegration of ‘Alwa and the destruction of Soba remains significantly limited.

Nubian Kingdoms Nubian Kingdoms

However, excavations inside one of the main churches revealed that squatters had already occupied it in the 1100s, stealing valuable Christian graves at that time. David Reubeni, a tourist, went through the town in 1523. He reported that the people lived in simple huts, with the nice buildings long gone.

Also Read: Nubia’s Incredible Relationship with Ancient Egypt, 7th–14th Century

African Religions

African Religions African Religions

African Religions: A lot of people in Africa believe in a number of different religions. For instance, many people believe in a supreme god, and myths and funeral rituals show that people believe in some kind of afterlife. Routines are an important part of life. There are routines for every situation, from bad times to important stages of life. Rituals are done with the whole person—mind, body, and spirit. 

There is a god in every traditional African faith. People from the same ethnic group call this great being by a lot of different names. Even though there are other gods and spirits, African faiths have always had the idea of one high god. 

Most of the time, the high god is far away. God is shown to people to help them understand him or her, but no one can see or talk to God directly. Some African cultures view God as both a mother and a father. God exists both within and beyond all creations.

Lastly, bad things don’t come from God; they come from the angels. People believe that God is always forgiving and kind to people. The views of African people try to connect all parts of life, including the spiritual, mental, physical, and political. There are many small spirits in the spiritual world who control nature. Our ancestors are a link between us and these ghosts. Africans have always believed in the presence of spirits everywhere, leading groups to explore these locations in search of these spirits.

African Religions African Religions

Africans don’t see a problem with believing in both one God and many souls at the same time. Spirits are a part of the daily lives of people who are still alive, and they can heal the problems that come up in everyday life. Most African religions had some form of animism before colonization. Scholars have called what they did magic, totemism, or honoring their ancestors. 

All of these were parts of the faith as a whole, or institutions. In fact, you can’t separate religion from other parts of life in Africa. Because of its focus on the joyful, shamanism often hires part-time practitioners who help with the community’s daily tasks. In general, animism gives value to groups of supernatural beings. 

Each person in a group feels connected to certain places or people. Animism says that people can talk to ghosts and other magical beings. These beings can also help people deal with the real things that happen in their lives, like getting food, healing illnesses, and staying safe. People who believe in them say that these beings are real and have unique personalities. 

However, creator gods are typically distant and treated accordingly. For their own selfish reasons, animatic spirits like to reward people who remember them and follow the right practices. In the same way, they don’t feel bad about treating people who don’t show proper respect. 

African Religions African Religions

Just like our ancestors, their power is highly specific. God and people talk to each other through spirits. For example, the earth is often a woman, called Mother Earth. In some African religions, she is God’s wife, while in others, she is his enemy. Because a spirit resides in the earth, we respect and care for it as God’s gift.

We honor the earth because it is home to a spirit. As a holy trust, it is our duty to take care of it and make it better. The Akan and Ashanti therefore ask the earth’s permission before they dig a hole or pour a drink for it. The goal is to make sure a baby will return to the earth’s belly.

Also, they get permission before they touch the ground and swear an oath while touching it to make sure it is true. The Great Seas are also home to ghosts. On the other hand, Olokun owns the sea in Nigeria for the Yoruba and the Benin. He lives in an underwater castle with a large group of people and fish-like servants. 

The Yoruba make so many sacrifices and gifts that they are often called the religion’s core. Libation happens a lot in Africa. Prayers accompany libation and offerings, for example, “Olodumare, ajuba gbogbo iku mbeleshe.” (God, we give homage; we praise the ancestors that sit at your feet in counsel.) 

People can pray at any time, and the act of praying can substitute for sacrifice or offering. One can direct their prayers towards God, their relatives, or other spirits. Usually, a priest or another official prays on behalf of the group or a family. One can pray for a variety of things, including food, a good life, health, the weather, and assistance with life’s problems.

In everyday speech, people say things like, “God, give us rain.” “Oh God, how great you are!” and “God protect you and keep you until you see your grandchildren.” Spirituality granted power to chiefs and other government leaders in Africa prior to colonization. Their contact with their ancestors and getting their ancestors to help them kept life going. 

African Religions African Religions

People believed that their leaders would keep them safe from natural and magical threats, fight witchcraft and wizardry, and get help from psychics and other experts to do so. In the same way, the link between psychic power and the control of the supernatural meant that the strongest people controlled the weakest. 

Powerful people often exploited weak women for evil deeds, while those who were strong bore the brunt. People often hired seers to help them find witches. As in many other African cultures, the Zulus’ most respected doctor is the diviner, or isangoma. The word means “someone who wanders about the mountains and lives on roots,” which is exactly what people who wanted to become diviners did. 

We also call this person an isanusi, which means “unraveler.” A diviner is also a herbalist, which means they know a lot about using roots and flowers to treat illnesses. Usually, the spirits choose diviners, who then go through protracted initiations. In most of Africa, there are different ways to find out about the future. 

You can perform this task using your thumb, a stick, or your bones. Getting a good or bad answer from the spirits is needed in each way. The person may hear voices telling him to go to a certain place or giving him other directions. The chosen individual might also exhibit peculiar behaviors, such as avoiding specific foods and displaying other indications of ghost possession. In Africa, religion affects every part of life. 

It is a humane and holistic idea, so there is no clear line between the different parts of life. It is well known that good and bad are opposites and that doing good will make you happy.

Also Read: The Importance Of African Oral Tradition

Jerry Rawlings History

Jerry Rawlings was born in June 1947 to a Scottish father who had been a chemist in Accra, Ghana’s capital, and an Ewe mother. Many people see Jerry Rawlings as the most important leader in the “new generation” of African leaders. Rawlings went to the well-known Achimota Secondary School. He dropped out in 1966 to join the Air Force the next year. 

After his first schooling as a cadet, he was sent to the No. 1 Communication Squadron. In May 1979, Jerry Rawlings led a military mutiny. At the time, he was a flight lieutenant with the No. 4 Jet Squadron in Accra. 

There, Jerry Rawlings started to connect with a group of soldiers who thought Ghana needed radical political change right away. An abrupt drop in Ghana’s political and economic conditions led to a rise in radicalism in the military forces. 

Ghana gained independence from Britain in 1957, but by 1977, people believed that real wages had fallen to a quarter of what they had been in 1972, and military dictatorships had become the norm. Lack of goods and services in the economy, crooked politicians, black markets, and unchecked governments made people want big changes. 

General Fred Akuffo, his deputy, replaced the military leader, General Ignatius Kutu Acheampong. The government faced significant unpopularity due to its violations of political rights, deteriorating economy, and widespread corruption within the military leadership. There were calls for civilian government and for Acheampong and his colleagues to be punished for their crimes and poor management. The new government promised to hold multiparty elections, but the public was so unhappy that they wanted both. 

Jerry Rawlings led a small-scale armed forces mutiny on May 15, 1979. He did this because of events like these that made people feel outraged and wronged, as well as a major and long-lasting drop in living standards. Two weeks after his arrest, on June 4, a successful military uprising freed Rawlings.

The leaders of the coup chose Jerry Rawlings as head of state and gave him the order to kill Generals A. A. Afrifa, Akuffo, and Acheampong for corruption. Even though Jerry Rawlings said he wasn’t in favor of these kinds of killings, he knew that most soldiers were very angry and couldn’t stop them. 

According to Rawlings (quoted in Okeke 1982, 52), this would have led to the elimination of the “entire officer corps because they [the ordinary soldiers] would have seen this as just another example of officers’ solidarity, another conspiracy of the officer corps to protect itself.”
After a brief, intense, and unsuccessful period of “house cleaning,” the country held elections in September 1979. Hilla Limann led an elected civilian government at that time. Limann’s People’s National Party was based on Kwame Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party. 

This regime’s short life was partly due to its incompetence and graft. Its relentless pursuit of Jerry Rawlings also helped to set off another military coup, which he led on December 31, 1981. This time, Rawlings said he wanted a revolution. He asserted that a revolution would significantly enhance fairness and justice in Ghana, empowering ordinary citizens to influence the formulation and implementation of policies. From 1981 to now, the second part of Ghana’s postcolonial past is a story of growing political and economic stability. 

But the time period is still very controversial, especially when it comes to Jerry Rawlings. There is nothing that separates Ghanaians more than their views on their leader of the last 20 years. Everyone agrees that he has been a key figure in the country’s political and economic history. However, some people hate him and others admire him. 

But even his harshest critics might say that his first chaotic, then authoritarian, and finally democratic rule saw Ghana through the uncertain 1970s and into the 1990s, when the country’s politics and economy were mostly stable. 

Ghana’s bad economy got better when Rawlings was in charge. By 1985, two years after the start of a very controversial economic “structural adjustment program,” Ghana had become the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) star student in Africa. The rest of the region looked to Ghana as a model and a strong example of economic change.

In return, Ghana got more than $9 billion (U.S.) in loans from other countries over the next ten years, mostly from the IMF and the World Bank. Ghana had a lot of growth between 1984 and 1993. The economy grew by an average of 5% each year, mostly because of economic changes and investment from other countries. 

Since the population was growing by about 2.6% a year, economic growth of about 2.5% a year was a great accomplishment and one of the best in Africa at the time. 
But things have moved more slowly since then. At first, it looked like the second Rawlings government would set up a one-party system, but its political goals changed over time. It went from being socialist at first to trying to build local democracy with a “developmentalist” focus, which had mixed effects. 

Under pressure from both inside and outside of the country, Rawlings started the move to multiparty national politics in 1990. This led to elections for the president and the legislature in 1992 and again in 1996. After running for president twice, Rawlings won both times. His party, the National Democratic Congress, also won the votes for parliament. 

As Rawlings led the country from personalist rule with socialist overtones to a more stable pluralist democracy, this was how things changed. Rawlings could not run for a third term because of the law from 1992. John Kufuor won the presidency in 2000.

Also Read: Dr. Kwame Nkrumah Biography