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The Zulu are a Bantu group from Southern Africa. They are also called the Amazulu.

There are about 10–12 million Zulu people living in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, making them the biggest ethnic group in South Africa.

The Zulu people came from Nguni groups that moved with the Bantu people. As the clans came together, Shaka’s great military strategies made the Zulu country successful while he was in charge.

They are proud of their rituals, such as the Umhlanga or Reed Dance, and the different kinds of beadwork they do. Beadwork is an art and skill that helps Zulu people become known, as well as a way for them to talk to each other.

Guys and gals play different roles in society so that everything works together. These days, the Zulu mostly believe in Christianity, but they have also formed their own faith that combines their old beliefs with Christianity.

Zulu Passages and Rites

Ukwemula/ umemulo Ceremony

When a girl wants her father to officially recognize that she is ready for marriage, she holds the Ukwemula event. The event shows that the girl’s father agrees with her plans to get married. When a girl requests confirmation of her maturity level for marriage, her mother informs her father via the amaqhikiza, thereby initiating the event. This ceremony is only for older girls who decided not to have sex before getting married, but now want to ask their dads for permission to start serious relationships with the goal of getting married.

It could only happen if the girl followed the rules and did not have sex. Zulu girls typically exhibit good behavior to win their dads’ approval, as they strive for their approval. As a sign of respect for tradition and her parents, the event shows that the girl, who is now old enough to get married, has asked for permission to date. Her parents and other family members approve of the event as a public sign that she is ready for courtship and marriage.

In this ceremony, the main purpose is to mark a turning point from childhood to adulthood and to show that the father knows what is going on with his daughter. For the girl, this is a special time because it marks the transition from being a girl to an adult, dating, and eventually becoming a mother. During this time, her parents and community will bless her.

Most Zulu teens and young adults would have avoided many of the issues that teenage girls face today if they still adhered to this tradition. In the past, this was the first thing a girl did when she thought she was ready to get married.

The Umemulo event, which means “coming of age,” is a time for celebration for the girl who has met the man she wants to marry. It’s also a good time to celebrate her good behavior by not having sex before marriage and asking her parents for permission to get married. In Zulu society, this ceremony is very important because it helps people avoid getting pregnant when they don’t want to.

Any young girl who is “coming of age” must go through the “umemulo rite.” It is an important step that marks her transition from a child to a woman. Umemulo is like a 21st birthday in the West. It’s a way for parents to show their love for their daughter and thank her for being good. According to custom, the girl must stay inside for at least a week before the ceremony.

They even forbid her parents or mother from seeing her. Girls from nearby towns will typically come to dance with her at night while she is alone, and they will do this until the last day, when they dance all night until dawn. Around 4 a.m., they go to the river to wash themselves clean.

After that, the girl’s father and other people in the area can see her. Guests begin dancing and join in on the festivities. Guests join the ceremony. The girl, the focal point of the ceremony, brandishes a dagger (umkhonto) at them, and they attach monetary gifts to the cloth covering her head.

Girls also wear hair coverings made of paper money during the ukwemula or umemulo events, which are gifts from their parents, family, friends, and community members. The first reason is that it helps her out financially and gets her career started. The second reason is that it shows that her community wants her to be wealthy and healthy when she gets married.

Only during the planned period of a specific girl’s ceremony is this event visible or audible. This implies that individuals cannot visit museums or other locations to witness the performance. People from outside the neighborhood don’t often see this ceremony.

Umhlanga (The Reed Ceremony)

The reed ceremony also has young teenage women, just like the ukwemula and umemulo rituals.  The event only happens once a year, on the second Saturday of September, at the King’s castles in Nyokeni and Nongoma.

The name of the event comes from the riverbed reeds that the maidens carry in a long parade that goes through the Royal Enclosures and then gives to the king. The Reed Dance is a serious event for the teens, but it’s also a chance to show off their singing, dancing, and beadwork, which they have been working on for months.

The maidens often wear nothing but beads as a symbol of their purity. The purpose of the ceremony is to encourage single girls to behave well, so they undergo a virginity test to ensure their purity.

During the ritual, girls should gather reeds by hand without using any tools to cut them. If the reed breaks when disconnected, it indicates that the girl has previously engaged in sexual activity with a guy. The whole point of the ritual is to stress how important it is for girls to be pure before they get married. The girls refrain from having sex before marriage due to their fear of public scrutiny and their desire to conform to their peers, who demonstrate their chasteness by attending the wedding.

Princesses from the Royal Family lead a full regiment of Zulu traditional leaders on either side of the king, who is the first to receive their reeds. With fancy headdresses and leather skirts, the older matrons, who watch over the event and teach the young girls how to become women, are just as colorfully dressed.

During this ritual, the girls should also not cover their breasts and buttocks. However, the vagina remains covered by the beaded isigege. There are a lot of people at the ceremony, including family members, people from the neighborhood, and anyone else who wants to be there.

Women who are thought to have had sex are made to look bad in front of their parents if they go to the event, where many men who want to get married choose their partners in public. This service is critical because it allows you to choose a partner with the goal of getting married.

Not long ago, the Zulu King used the Reed Dance as a way to talk about problems that mostly affect South African youth, like HIV/AIDS and teen pregnancy. Anyone who wants to witness this ritual must go to Enyokeni on the second Saturday of September. No one else performs this unique ritual.

The Feast of the First Fruits Ceremony (umkhosi omncane)

This ritual is very important for boys’ growth. During the holiday, we give thanks to the Ancestral Spirits and ask them to continue protecting and helping the boys through prayer and sacrifice.

It’s also a prayer to Unkulunkulu to protect and help the boys, as well as a thank-you to God for them. If a boy starts having sexual thoughts and ejaculating, he should tell his friends, who will then tell family members.  After that, his family makes plans for him to take part in the next First Fruits Ceremony.The ritual is a sign that the boys are ready to get married.

In all royal kraals from November to January, for three days and three nights, the chiefs and their people dance, sing traditional songs, and praise the ancestral spirits. They also ask the Great, Great One to keep storms, droughts, bugs, and diseases away from the crops.

The worshipers at the royal cattlefold witness the ceremony’s highlight, a fight between a fierce bull and a group of unarmed fighters, on the last day of Umkhosi. At the end of the fight, clenched fists hit the bull over the head, causing it to fall down. The chief’s witch doctors then stabbed it to death. After this, there is a big feast.

There is an understanding that this ceremony might not go over well with visitors, especially those who care a lot about animal rights. Bullfights in Spain aren’t as interesting to tourists as they used to be. A few months ago, the South African High Court questioned the Zulu king about this rite. The Court said that the cultural rights of people were more important than the rights of animals.

The Traditional Zulu Wedding (udwendwe)

Preparations for the Wedding

Before the wedding could take place, the man must have paid the bride’s father the dowry. This is the first and most important requirement. If the man hasn’t paid his lobola in full, the wedding can’t happen. The event known as Lobola involves the transfer of cattle from the prospective groom’s group to the bride-to-be’s group. The main goal of the exchange is to strengthen the friendship between the two families.

In addition, Lobola compensates for the girl’s loss by giving the father ten heads of cattle in exchange—something very valuable. The bride’s mother buys the eleventh cow for her own use. So, lobola serves two purposes: first, it strengthens the friendship between two families; second, it makes up for the loss of a daughter and the work she does around the house.

A beast known as ukuncamisa or inkomo yokucola pours its gall over the girl’s face, arms, and legs as she prepares to leave her home for marriage, symbolizing the changes she will undergo. The slaughtered animal, a lobola cow, signifies to her ancestors her departure from her family and her impending marriage, resulting in a new surname, Isibongo. During this time, the girl also realizes that she has to leave her home.

Before she gets married, the girl leaves her umuzi (kraal) and tells her family, friends, and neighbors that she is getting married and wants gifts. This process, known as ukucimela, helps the girl say goodbye to her family and friends and start a new life.

The gifts she gets show that they are happy for her. She should talk to everyone to show how much she appreciates them. The cimela makes it easier for people who don’t have enough for themselves, as well as for family and friends to give expensive gifts to each other.

The young bride goes on a walk with her father through the cow byre the day before she leaves for her wedding. They say goodbye to their ancestors, who are very important to the Zulus. The daughter’s father is responsible for her meeting with the ancestors the day before she leaves.

To show the groom and his family that she is leaving her old life behind and starting a new one, the new bride leaves her home with her friends one day before the wedding. She is only wearing a blanket. Keep in mind that every Zulu custom has a deeper message behind it. The bride’s lack of clothing (except for the blanket) shows that she is leaving her childhood behind to get ready for the wedding and the life that will follow as a married family.

The Attire for the Wedding

When the wedding happens, the bride stays in the middle of the party, out of sight, and wears her new isidwaba. Amashoba, headpieces adorned with white oxtails, adorn her arms, while the imvakazi, a beaded cloth cover that allows her to see, covers her face.

The veil, which is part of the hlonipha tradition, makes the bride stand out from the other people in the ceremony.

It is customary for the bride to wear bands made of twisted calfskin and beads wound into a coil around her shoulders and under her arms. The bride wears white cow-tail fringes around her legs and on both arms. She adorns her right wrist with the swollen gall bladder of the goat she killed before leaving her father’s kraal.

The gall bladder on her wrist also makes her stand out from the other guests at the wedding. Different designs of beads decorate the bride’s breasts, while a plume of black fink tail feathers adorns her head. As she dances, she holds a short assegai, or knife, in her right hand and aims it at her future husband, symbolizing her unmarried status.

In her left hand, the woman holds the ihawu. It’s important to note that the assegai and the ihawu, a Zulu shield made from cowhide, are always held together. Men use shields as a way to protect themselves in battle. Both men and women use it when they dance Zulu.

Thinking of a warrior carrying both of these defenses reminds me of the bride. It means that she has been through a lot to get married and is ready to face even more challenges after she gets married. The ihawu and assegai are believed to have solved problems that could have prevented her from getting married, and she celebrates this victory by dancing at the wedding.

The groom is wearing the robes of his ancestors, which is a cheetah-skin head ring that only married men wear, and that shows their position as the leader of a village. In his left hand, the groom will hold an ihawu, and in his right hand, he will hold an oxtail, such as the bride. He has brightly colored beads strung around his neck and waist to make him look nice. It is easy to spot the groom because he is the only one at the wedding wearing this outfit. The Zulu traditional wedding is the best time for tourists to see the colorful Zulu traditional clothing.

Also Read: The Incredible History Of Cetshwayo From The Zulu Kingdom

The Tutsi, also known as the Abatutsi, are an ethnic or social group from the area around the African Great Lakes. They were sometimes called the Watusi, Watusi, Wahuma, Wahima, or Wahinda in the past.

The Tutsi are a branch of the Banyarwanda and Barundi people. Most of them live in Rwanda and Burundi, but there are also large groups in the DR Congo, Tanzania, and Uganda.

The Hutu are the biggest group of people in Rwanda and Burundi, and the Twa are the smallest. The Tutsis are the second largest group of people in those countries.

There are also a few Hema and Kiga people living near the Tutsi in Rwanda.

The Banyamulenge doesn’t have a region. The northern Tutsi who live in Rwanda are called Ruguru (Banyaruguru), and the southern Tutsi who live in Burundi are called Hima.

Origins And Classification

People may have had different ideas about what it means to be “Hutu” or “Tutsi,” depending on the time and place. In Rwanda, social systems were not stable, even when the country was a colony and Belgium was in charge. Tutsi commoners were different from Tutsi aristocracy or elite, and rich Hutu people were often hard to tell apart from upper-class Tutsi.

When the Belgian colonists did surveys, they wanted to use a simple classification system to find out who lived in Rwanda and Burundi. They called someone a “Tutsi” if they had more than ten cows, which is a sign of wealth, or if they had a longer nose or neck, which is a physical trait often associated with Tutsis.

People used to say that Tutsis came to the Great Lakes area from the Horn of Africa.

Some researchers think that Tutsis are of Cushitic descent, even though they don’t speak a Cushitic language. They have lived in the places they are now for at least 400 years, which has caused a lot of marriages between them and Hutu people in the area. Ethnographers and scholars have recently agreed that Hutus and Tutsis, having mixed and married each other over the years, cannot truly be considered two separate ethnic groups.

A lot of experts and people who live in the Great Lakes Region think that the Tutsi are “Cushitics,” who are against Bantu groups like the Hutu and other groups in Uganda and the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It does, however, refer to a group of languages. For example, the Bantu lemma and the lemma on “Bantu people” both say that Bantu people speak Bantu languages. The Tutsi and the Hutu both speak the same Bantu language, so they are both Bantu people.

Tutsi Clans

According to Sebagabo Simon (2004:21), one of the main reasons for the start of the genocide was the changing of the meanings of Rwandan and Burundi words to create an ethnic idea in Rwanda. At different times, these words have had different meanings. Before European settlement, “Ubwoko” meant clannish identity, which is a group of families who share a common ancestor and come from the same family.

Abanyiginya, Abagesera, Abega, Ababanda, Abacyaba, Abasinga, Abashambo, Abahinda, Abazigaba, Abungura, Abashingwe, Abenengwe, Abasita, Abatsobe, Abakono, Abanyakarama, Abarihira, Abahondogo, Abashambo, and Abongera are the 20 groups that make up Rwanda. In Kinyarwanda, they are referred to as ubwoko. These groups were a big part of how Rwandans and Burundians saw themselves. When you ask an old person in Kinyarwanda what their name is, they will name the different clans, like Umugesera, Umunyiginya, Umushambo, and so on. The West frequently uses the words “Umutwa,” “Umuthutu,” and “Umututsi” to refer to the same ethnic group.

Colonialists learned about Rwandan society from a political, social, and religious point of view as soon as they got there. In terms of religion, they chose to bring Christianity, which is a new religion. The colonists didn’t understand some cultural ideas, though, because they didn’t know enough Kinyarwanda, the local language.

When it comes to racial strife, colonization changed the meanings of the words “Ubwoko,” “Umuhutu,” “Umututsi,” and “Umutwa.” According to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), those terms have nothing to do with the idea of “race or ethnicity”: “Ethnic group” means a group of people who share a language and culture (see Akayezu, TC, para. 513).

Three groups: the Abanyiginya, the Abasindi, and the Abatsobe, all share the crested crane, for example. Both Abega and Abakono use the frog as a totem. The hyena is both Abacyaba and Ababanda’s totem animal, and the leopard is both Abazigaba and Abenengwe’s totem animal. The sole explanation for these distinct clans sharing the same totem is their intentional or accidental split from the main clan.

Social groups consciously and willingly split apart to create a new sense of who they are as a whole. For example, the Christian Church and the Muslims split into different groups but kept the same traditions and symbols. When people move or lose their memories, social groups can also change their collective identity. However, they will always cling to their collective sign, as it remains the only aspect of their collective memory that has not faded.

For Abega and Abakono, the frog is their totem animal. For Abacyaba and Ababanda, the hyena is the totem animal. For Abazigaba and Abenengwe, the leopard is their totem animal. These people are likely moieties, which are groups that had a shared ancestor but split up. Abanyiginya, Abasindi, and Abatsobe constitute a phyratry, a social group consisting of three distinct clans.

Abahinda, whose totem animal is the inkende “squirrel” and who ruled Karagwe, Tanzania, for a long time before moving to Rwanda for unknown reasons, may also have ties to Abazirankende, a subclan of Abagesera, whose totem animal is the wagtail. Abazirankende means “those for whom the squirrel is a taboo.”

The only groups whose totems are unknown are Abanyakarama, who are believed to have originated in Burundi, and Abashingwe.

Clans As A Social Construction

For a long time, people have thought that biologically linked individuals naturally form social groups called clans. The Rwandan story serves as evidence that this is not true. Two things show this: first, people can marry within their own group, and second, the same clans and totems can marry people of different ethnicities.

Rwanda also has bloodlines, known as imiryango in Kinyarwanda and umuryango when used independently. Igisekuru: A lineage refers to a group of people who share a common ancestor. Examples of such lineages include Abahidiro from Gahindiro, Abajiji from Bajiji, Abenebwimba from Bwimba, and Abaganzu from Ruganzu, among others.

The lineage’s name is derived from the name of the shared ancestor. Exogamy needs to happen. No matter how far away they are, marrying someone from the same family is known as incest. Rwanda’s culture is based on men and their families. Children adopt the race and clan of their dads. Endogamy is very common within groups, but not within families.

Another thing that shows clans are not genetically linked social groups is that even though Rwanda has three different ethnic groups (Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa), all three of them share the same clans and totems.

Clans And Castes

People are born into both clans and castes, which are social groups. People’s social standing is often based on what clan or group they are from. It looks like they were made to meet a need in society, especially when it comes to getting better at your job and sharing your social duties. The Abanyiginya clan had kings. The Abatsobe clan supplied royal ritualists called abiru. These people learned all of the rituals used to crown the new monarch and kept all of the royal secrets. The Abega and Abakono clans produced queens.

Abagesera, Abasinga, and Abazigaba were abasangwabutaka, which means “primordial clans” or “the ones found on the land.” They were abases, or ritualists, for other clans.

In case the head of the family of someone from another clan wasn’t there, they could do all of his rites. They could also do these rituals for people from other clans because they weren’t allowed to do them themselves. Gooderana ubuse is another thing that clans could do. This is when they insult each other for fun. In some ways, they are very similar to the West African caste structure. For instance, the Fulani, residing in numerous West African countries, have clans connected to castes.

There are 12 castes, but they are not based on social rank like India’s low and high castes or Japan’s Burachumins. Instead, each caste is based on a specific type of work. For example, there is a caste for griots, a caste for wood carvers, a caste for blacksmiths, a caste for grave diggers, a caste for hunters, a caste for farmers, a caste for cattle herders, a caste for circumcisers, and so on.

In some cultures, headwear, chestwear, armwear, tattoos, and other totemic traits help clans stand out from other clans. Pacific Northwest Indian groups, like the Chinook, Haida, Nookta, Tlinkit, and Hawaiians, have totem poles that represent their clans. The Haida, for example, have two groups, each with its own totem animal: the raven and the eagle. These two totems are visible on their totem poles.

In Rwanda, there is no physical sign that shows who is in a clan. People learn about their clan and spirit by hearing stories.

Culture And Tradition

The male line passes down the family name in Tutsi and Hutu families. People from Rwanda and Burundi used to marry based on how well their families knew each other. Most Tutsis today pick out the person they want to marry.

Rites of passage for Tutsis and Hutus are a lot alike. The first one, the naming event, happens seven days after a baby is born.
Paying the bride a lot of money makes the marriage official. The groom’s family pays the bride’s clan this because they are losing her work. No ceremony other than marriage marks becoming an adult.

Royal music and dance groups put on shows for the kings of Burundi and Rwanda. For the prayers, they arranged twenty-two tall drums around a central drum. They played the drums in a circle around them. They all took turns hitting the drum in the middle. People continue to perform this type of drumming, and recordings of it exist.

In the country, singing, dancing, and drumming are big parts of life. People write a lot of different types of songs, like lullabies, hunting songs, and ibicuba (songs that praise cattle).

Igisoro is a game that both kids and adults like to play. A wooden board with holes for stones or beads serves as the playing surface. Set up rows of pieces, and try to take as many of your opponent’s pieces as you can. Some parts of Africa refer to the game as mancala.

When someone passes away, there are prayers, discussions, and restrictions on various activities. After a death, close family members should not do hard work or have sex. The family has a traditional feast when the time of mourning is over.

Congolese Tutsi

In the Congo (DRC), there are two main groups of Tutsi. They live at the very end. Their ancestors were pastoralists from Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania who moved to the area. There are also Tutsi in North Kivu and Kalehe in South Kivu. Hutu and Tutsi form the Banyarwanda society, which includes both groups.

These are not chameleons. Before colonization, some Banyarwanda lived in Rutshuru, now in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Belgian colonists “tranplanted” others from Rutshuru or Rwanda. Most of them moved to Masisi in North Kivu and Kalehe in South Kivu.

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The Dinka are a Nilotic ethnic group that lives in South Sudan but also has a large number living in other places. 

Most of them live along the Nile, from Mangalla to Renk, in parts of Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile (which used to be two of Sudan’s three southern provinces), and the Abyei Area of the Ngok Dinka in South Sudan. 

The Dinka mostly depend on traditional farming and herding. They raise cattle as a source of cultural pride, not for meat or profit, but for ceremonies, cultural shows, wedding dowries, and milk feedings for kids of all ages. 

The Dinka grow crops for food and money. The Dinka cultivate grains, primarily sorghum and millet, for sustenance. Groundnuts, sesame, and gum arabic are some of the cash crops. We move cattle to high ground during the dry season to protect them from flooding and water during the wet season. During the dry season, cattle stay near rivers, the Sudd, and grasslands. 

A 2008 census in Sudan found that they make up about 18% of the country’s population, or about 4.5 million people. They are the biggest ethnic group in South Sudan. 

The Dinka, who also call themselves Muonyjang (singular) and Jieng (plural), live in one of the parts of the River Nilotes. The Dinka are mostly nomadic farmers and herders from the Nile Valley and the African Great Lakes region. They speak Nilotic languages, such as Nuer and Luo. Dinka are sometimes known for being very tall. The Tutsi of Rwanda and the Dinka Agaar are believed to be the largest people in Africa.

Roberts and Bainbridge found that the average height of 52 Dinka Agaar was 182.6 cm (5 ft 11.9 in), and the average height of 227 Dinka Ruweng was 181.3 cm (5 ft 11.4 in). They took these measurements between 1953 and 1955. However, it appears that today’s Dinka men are shorter, which could be due to a lack of food or wars. In 1995, a physical study of Dinka men who had fled the war and were living in Ethiopia found that they were, on average, 176.4 cm (5 ft 9.4 in) tall. Other studies that compare historical height records and nutrition indicate that the Dinka are the world’s tallest people.

The Dinka people don’t have a single government leader. Rather, the Dinka people comprise numerous distinct yet interconnected clans. Ritual chiefs, known as “masters of the fishing spear” or beny bith, have traditionally led some of these clans, overseeing the entire group. They seem to be at least partly inherited. 

The name of their language is Dinka, or “Thuʦŋjäŋ” (Thő ë Muʦnyjäŋ). . It is a Nilotic language from the eastern Sudanic language family. In Dinka, the name means “people. “We write it with a few changes to the Latin language.”

Dinka Society, Social Events, Attitudes, Traditions and Customs

Families related by blood make up the Dinka part, as do other individuals or families who have bonded together through marriage or other means. One of the main chiefly clans (beny), who hold power and are believed to own the section’s land, links the sections to a specific bloodline. For some reason, they believe they have a single ancestor and that this gives them the right to be politically and religiously better.

The term “kic” (commoners) generally refers to people from the second group of clans, whose members did not have any special religious duties passed down through generations. Their spread size and range are very different. People didn’t really see the “commoner” groups as anything; they saw them as split-up families that didn’t feel connected to a larger group.

The main clans of the Dinka tribe are known as koc tong (people of the war spear), while those who were not chiefs are known as koc bith (people of the fishing spear). However, this distinction is based on society rather than function. The Dinka think that the chief has supernatural powers that help him tell the truth, be fair, make money, learn new things, and see the future.

The Dinka are proud and focused on their own culture, but they are also usually welcoming and friendly. They have a high moral standard, code of conduct, eating habits, a sense of personal dignity (dheeng), and honesty. When they deal with others, they expect the same in return. The Dinka are the least affected by modernization. Their pride and ethnocentrism must play a big role in why they are so conservative and don’t want to change. Cattle are important to Dinka society. Dinka society uses cattle as payment for things like marriage, bills, and blood prices. People also use it to make sacrifices to spirits and for significant events and rites.

Traditional Homes

Before the British arrived, the Dinka did not live in villages. Instead, they moved in families and set up temporary homes with their cattle. There could be anywhere from one or two to one hundred people living on the homesteads at a time. Around British government centers, small towns grew up. The group selects a leader to govern each village of one or more large families.
Mud walls and thatched cone-shaped roofs, capable of lasting up to twenty years, were the building materials used in ancient houses.

Men sleep in mud-roofed cow pens, while women and children sleep inside the house. People placed the homesteads in an area that provided them with year-round access to grass and water. They now build a permanent village on land higher up, above the Nile’s flood plain, where there is abundant water for farming. On this high ground, women and older men care for the crops, while younger men move up and down with the water level.

Social and Political Organisation

The people are an acephalous nationality, which means they are a cultural group of sub-nationalities rather than a political one. The Dinka don’t have the idea of a state, which means they don’t have government institutions, structure, or authority. Each section of the Dinka people has its own separate political body.

From generation to generation, people pass down the title of chief, known as beny (plural bany), which can mean various things such as chief, expert, or military officer. The title always has an added part that tells you what job it is for. For instance, the Northern Dinka refer to the person as Beny de Ring or Beny Rein (or Riem), while the rest of the country calls them Beny Bith.

The word “ring” (or “rem”) most likely refers to the chief’s magical power. As a sign of power, the bith is the holy fishing spear that doesn’t have any barbs or serrations on it. The fishing stick chief, the medicine women and men, and Deng’s elders are all spiritual leaders with a lot of power. Aside from a few rare cases, spiritual leaders usually don’t follow worldly rules. The people’s chiefs used persuasion to rule instead of any known tools of force and pressure.

Marriage

For Dinka people, marriage is a must. Every man should have a family and get married as many times as he wants. The people have a lot of “ghost fathers,” or relatives who marry the ghost of a boy who died when he was a baby. In different parts of Dinka, the bride price is different. It varies from a few tens (Upper Nile) to a few hundreds (Bahr el Ghazal). The groom’s family also contributes to the bride price, which is then split among the bride’s family members in the same way that the groom’s clan does.

Like how a son should pay more cattle for his wife, a daughter of the chief brings in more cattle. More brides are willing to pay for college graduates, which is likely to encourage more girls to go to school. For the Dinka, as for other Nilotic people, having sex is only for making babies. Adultery is therefore illegal, and those who commit it face disdain and heavy fines. This can sometimes lead to conflict and clan fighting. Most people can’t even imagine or condone incest.

Also Read: The Incredible Origin Of The Fulani Tribe

Denkyira People

The Denkyira are an ancient group of warlords and matriarchal Kwa-speaking people who live in the Central Region of Ghana. They are a subset of the bigger Akan ethnic group. People from Denkyira who lived in Twifo Ati-Mokwa (Hemang lower Denkyira) and Upper Denkyira speak the Akan Twi language. They were once a famous kingdom, but the Asante people took it down.

This is the main city for the Denkyira people. Odeefuo Boa Amponsem III is the strong and honorable traditional leader.

The Denkyira people are known for growing a lot of palm fruits to use as oil and for traditional or small-scale gold digging, which they do on their land and in the River Offin. Ghana refers to the traditional or small-scale method of gold mining as “Galamsey.” Denykira has places like Jukwa, Dunkwa-On-Ofin, Ayafuri, Diaso, Kyekyewere, Mfuom, Dominase, Ntom, New Obuasi, Nkotumso, Maudaso, Asikuma, Jameso Nkwanta, Buabinso, Bethelehem, Buabin, Akropong, Nkronua, Nkwaboso/Akwaboso, and Afiefiso.

History

According to legends, the people who started Upper and Lower Denkyira in the Central Region first lived in the Mande areas in the Voltaic Region, which is south of the Niger Bend. The people left because the land was too dry, causing famine and fighting. Around 1570, they moved west to south, crossed the Volta, and ended up in the Tekyiman (Techiman) area of the Ancient Bono State.

As time went on, the newcomers lived in the same area with the Nkyiras for a while. They were known as ADAWUFO during that period, originating the saying “Adawu, Dawu Denkyira, mene-sono”. This phrase became a respectful reference to the Denkyira people. People said, “They had become like the Nkyiraa because they lived with them for more than a hundred years and learned their ways so well.” (See: Daaku K. Y., “Oral Tradition of Denkyira,” I. A. S., Legon, 1970.) To count on Nkyiraa is to be “Dan-Nkyiraa.”

Around the 1600s, the Denkyira finally decided to move south into the central forest region. Nana Ayekraa Adeboa of the Agona clan, who was the first woman to rule, led them in doing so. The Asakyiri clan had built Tutumbe, about 3.5 kilometers from Adanse Akorokyere, where she settled.

Both Akyem Oda and Bodweseanwo, the leaders of Denkyira, are believed to hail from the same ethnic group and Bomaasi family. Agobani, one of her three daughters, married Denkyira Abankesieso and became Agona Piesie; Anadineho married Akyem Oda and became Agona Manu; and Siema’s children, who became Agona Mensah, founded Bodweseanowo.

Nana Ayekraa Adeboa died after a long and happy rule. Her oldest son, Anin Panyin, was the first male king. He ruled for a long time without any problems. Two brothers, Ahi and Aha, took over after him. Because their family name is Ahahiaha, they may have ruled together. During most of their rule, they went exploring. By that time, they had already established a highly developed and effective government unit.

Mumunumfi was the next king. He wished he had as much money and power as Adansehene Otibireku Asare. After going to war with the Adans, he beat them badly. He appointed Awurade Basa to run the defeated Adanse’s business.

Wirempe Ampem took over after Mumunumfi (1624–37). After routing the Aowin and establishing a military system with divisional groups, Wirempe Ampem built the famous capital, ABANKESIESO BANSO, which consisted of 77 villages about 24 kilometers west of Jacobu in Adanse Akorokyere territory and grew into a large, sprawling kingdom.

The king was in charge of everything because the state army was well organized and strong. That was the start of the rule of terror, which is why people say “Wirempe Ampem a wo din yem mo,” which means “Wirempe Ampem, whose name does not exist.”  He died in one of his battles in the west, which was a shame. An eight-year-old boy took over as leader. They rushed him to the battlefield to boost their spirits, and everyone was delighted. Back then, the blood royals were young. Boa Amponsem Dakabere became the new king.

During his rule, Boa Amponsem was in charge of most of Asante and the surrounding areas. “Kotoko som Amponsem,” which means “the porcupine (Asante) is servant to Amponsem (Denkyira),” was a reference to this useful rule. Europeans on the Atlantic coast learned about the Denkyira kingdom as a place with a lot of alluvial gold. The kingdom became very wealthy. During Boa Amponsem I’s reign, he could afford to have new gold decorations made for every ceremony. Once he used gold for something, he never reused it again.

This led to his nickname, “Boa Amponsem a, odi sika tomprada” (Boa Amposem who eats fresh gold).When Olei Tutu was still very young, his uncle, Opoku Ware, sent him to the court of Denkyira as a page.  At the same time, Okomfo Anokye was King Boa Amponsem’s magician and seer. At the same time, the kingdom got so rich that Dutch traders went to Denkyira most often to buy gold because it was so plentiful and mostly pure. He was smart and had no rivals. When he died in 1692, the people lost their boss.

His nephew, Ntim Gyakari, took over and was full of pride and swagger. Written records support Bossman’s assertion that Denkyira was so proud of its wealth and power that it treated all other black people with contempt, viewing them as nothing more than slaves. See W. Bossman’s 1907 publication, “A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea.” Everyone opposed Denkyira and anticipated the loss of their power.

During Ntim Gyakari’s rule, the Denkyira Kingdom was at its largest in 1699. But with wealth and power came pride and arrogance. At the same time, King Osei Tutu I and his close friend, priest, and constitutional adviser, Okomfo Anokye, were busy trying to find a reason to start a full-scale military action. And it was as if Ntim Gyakari did something on purpose that set off a war. The king sent a messenger with a metal pan to Kumase. He told Osei Tutu and the Asante chiefs to fill the pan with gold and send it back to him.

Each Asante chief had to send his favorite wife to Abankesieso to work as a wet nurse (mmagyegyefo) for the king of Denkyira (W.E. Ward, “Short History of Ghana,” pp. 32–33). In fact, they thought the claim was an insult to their honor.

No matter where you were in the state, war drums were beating. This was the same thing as starting a war. Mamponhene Boahinantuo was in charge of all the separate units. Ntim Gykari, confident in his ability to defeat the Asante army, remained hidden from the battlefield. Instead, he stayed in his tent with his wife and played the Oware game.

Finally, the main army of Asante met the other army at Feyiase, which is between Kuntenase and Kumase. The Juaben unit quickly surrounded Ntim Gyakari, who was sitting with golden chains around his legs, and took him prisoner. They took him to Kumase, tried him, and executed him.

Ntim Gyakeri gave his head to the Asantehene, his left leg bone to Asumegya, his right leg bone to Mampon, and his spine to Aduaben. It was okay for these three Stools to copy Ntim Gyakari’s garb (see R.S. Rattery, “Ashanti Law and Constitution,” 1956, p. 132).

In the middle of 1701, the Asante took their victory into Denkyira proper, where they destroyed the capital, AbankKumase took many of Denyira’s best workers as slaves and used them as weightmakers. Kumase. As it turned out, it was a war that changed Denkyira’s past forever.
“Ntim Gyakari asoa ne man akobo Feyiase” means “Ntim Gyakari carried his nation and wrecked her at Feyiase.” The disaster, occurring on a Friday, prompted the creation of the Denkyira Oath, “Fiada ne Denkyira.”

The Agona clan brothers, Akyem Oda and Bodweseanwo, fought alongside their older brother, Denkyira. As a result, the Asantehene made it their policy to separate and rule the three clan brothers. In this order, Akyem Odahene was under the Anantahene of Kumase, Boadweseanwohene was under Dadeasohene, and Denkyirahene was under the Bantamahene. This caused Denkyira to lose its power.

Still, there was another revolt that didn’t work out during Denkyirahene Owusu Bore I’s reign. Once again, the Denkyira attempted to regain their freedom by exploiting the death of the Asantehene Osei Kwadwo (1781), only to have their rebellion crushed a third time.
Because their stay in west Adanse had been rough, they promised to leave the area. So, after the Asante-Gyaman War in 1818, they went south during the rule of the 15th Dekyirahene Nana Kwadwo Tibu I, making JUKWA their new country.

According to Prof. Adu Boahen’s article “When did Osei Tutu die?” (THSG, 1975, Legon, pp. 87–92), this happened after King Osei Tutu Mpimso died in 1717. Denkyinahene Buadu Akafu Brempon planned to get back to Asante, but right away, the Asante army moved in to put down the rebellion.

The Asante forces went to battle against Gyamanhene Adinkra, which led to the flight right away. As an act of peace, Denkyirahene and his men went to Gyaman to smoke a pipe with Adinkra, who said that the Agona clan had a relationship with Nana Tibu. But Adinkra saw that Denkyira’s speedy move was more likely a sign of war than a desire to negotiate peace. Adinkra was shot, and the explosion from his own gun hit him in the mouth. He died right away. Adinkra’s son Apau brought the skull to Kumase as a war prize.

According to legend, when they arrived in Kumase, the Asantehene himself greeted the Denkyira group with cold words: “Kwadwo, woko ma ni woko afa e?” In other words, “This is your zeal when you fight for someone else; what are you when you fight for yourself?”
Denkyira disagreed with this remark and was angry about it. They said the Asantehene hated the Denkyira with that phrase.

People from all over Denkyira heard the call to leave and went south. They followed Nana Tibu to the south, crossing the Offin River at Nkyenkyenso near Aboaboso, and then went through Wassaw and Fiase Mpoho before stopping at Cape Coast.

The governor instructed them to stay at Kakomdo (or Essakyiri). After a while, they moved through the bush and finally settled in a place about 22 kilometers north-west of Cape Coast because it couldn’t hold all of them.

When the Denkyiras got there, they saw that the whole area was very quiet, which is how the new name DWOKWA came about, which means “nothing but peace.” Therefore, they confused “EHA DWO KWA” to become “DWUKWA,” which is simply “JUKWA” in English.

In 1868, Denkyira joined the Fante Confederacy to fight against the Ashanti and the Dutch for Great Britain. Ashes were able to defeat the Confederacy, and in 1874, the area became part of the British colony of Gold Coast. The Gold Coast separated into Ghana in 1957. JUKWA became the main town and home to the Kyidom Wing. Since 1943, Dunkwa has been the administrative capital.

Also Read: The Incredible History Of Akan During The Eighteenth Century

Republic Of Ghana History

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Republic Of Ghana: Europeans have been in contact with the people of Ghana since the late 1400s, but it wasn’t until George Maclean took charge in the 1830s that the country became truly colonized. A group of British merchants operating on the coast chose him. The process, on the other hand, moved slowly at times. 

In fact, it wasn’t until July 1874—after beating the Asante badly—that Great Britain chose to make the area south of the Pra-Ofin confluence a British crown colony and protectorate. Following that, Great Britain settled the country in two stages: from 1875 to 1890 and again from 1890 to 1901. From 1875 to 1890, the first phase of the country’s settlement proceeded in the same slow, hesitant, and almost forgetful manner as the previous phase.

Between 1874 and 1879, Britain was very interested in colonization. It took over the coastal areas east of the Volta as far as Anlo and Aflao and the rural areas as far as Agbosome, mostly to stop people from smuggling goods in those areas. 

This excitement didn’t last long. But in 1884, Germany quickly took over the coast of Togo, which started the “scramble” for West Africa. In response, Britain moved east of the Volta to make treaties with the Ewe states of Anlo, Mafi, Vume, Tefle, and Krepi; with Akwamu in 1886; and with Anum in 1888. In 1888, Britain and Germany agreed that the area northeast of Yeji to Yendi would be a neutral zone.

Britain and Germany signed a deal in 1890 that split England in half. The British got the eastern half, which included Anlo, Some, Klikor, Peki, and Tongu, and made it part of the Gold Coast Colony. Germany took over the rest of Eweland and made it to Togo. In 1899, the neutral zone finally split, dividing the kingdom of Dagomba into British and German zones.

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There is no better example of how reluctant and hesitant British settlement was during this time than the fact that Britain invaded and took over Asante in 1874 but then left the area alone. Most of the time, Britain didn’t send its first mission to sign protection treaties with Gyaaman and Atebubu, two states north of Asante, until 1889. In part, Britain took this action to halt French expansion northward and eastward from Côte d’Ivoire, and, in part to halt the rise of Asante’s power.

In response, the Fante leader George Ekem Ferguson went on a journey in April 1892 and was able to sign similar protection treaties with the chiefs of Bole, Daboya, Dagomba, and Bimbila. He also did this for the Mossi, Mamprusi, and Chakosi chiefs between 1893 and 1894. In 1895, the British and French were in a very close fight to take over Bole in the northwest and Gambaga in the northeast. The Anglo-German treaties of 1885 and 1890 set the eastern borders of Ghana. The Anglo-French treaties of 1889 and 1898 set the northern and western borders.

The British settlement of Asante was even more hesitant and unwilling. Britain didn’t really start to colonize Asante until 1891, when they offered a treaty of security. The British made the same offer again in 1894, this time promising to pay the Asante chiefs a monthly salary if they agreed to let a British person live in Kumasi, only to have it flatly rejected.

However, this too faced strong opposition. Concerned about the possibility of a French occupation and especially about the success of talks for an alliance between Prempe, the Asantehene, and Almami Samori, the great Mandingo leader, the new secretary of states for colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, ordered the invasion and conquest of Asante. Chamberlain was an anti-imperialist. 

Prempe chose not to fight when the British army entered Kumasi in January 1896 to prevent the destruction of his kingdom and the removal of the Golden Stool. However, the British army caught him along with his mother, father, brother, and several Kumasi chiefs. They were sent to Sierra Leone in 1896, then to the Seychelles in 1900 as prisoners of war. 

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This put an end to the country’s land settlement. The traditional leaders of Ghana and the people who lived under them were not oblivious, as their rights and culture were violated. They fought back against colonization in many ways, including direct confrontation, armed conflicts, and rebellions. 
So, starting in 1874, the Anlo rebelled and attacked Glover’s British troops. After their defeat, they had to sign a treaty acquiescing to British rule. In spite of this, they kept fighting against British rule in their area. In 1878, the people of Denu set fire to the Alex Miller Brothers and Company plant. 

In 1884 and 1885, the Anlo rebelled again with the help of a great trader named Geraldo de Lima. Led by their chiefs, Tsigui of Anyako and Tenge Dzokoto, they fought the police guard sent to arrest de Lima and freed him. He was caught again, though, and held at Elmina Castle from May 1885 to November 1893. 

With an army of 3,000 people, Anlo attacked the district commissioner of Keta, fourteen miles west of Keta. Two Hausa soldiers lost their lives, and the district commissioner suffered severe injuries. Despite this, the armed revolt persisted until its suppression in 1889. In 1888, the people of Tavieve also took up arms to stop the British from putting Peki in charge. 

The Asante, on the other hand, fought back the hardest and longest during that time. As previously mentioned, Prempe firmly and kindly declined the British offer to protect the Asantehene in 1891, marking the end of their hesitation. When the British made this offer again in 1894, Prempe turned it down and sent a group to England to argue for his cause of making sure his country would stay independent. 

In November 1894, this strong group left Kumasi and got to England in April 1895. It stayed in London until November, but the British government wouldn’t take it. Indeed, it was while the group was in England that the secretary of state gave the order to invade and take over Asante. 

As we’ve already said, Prempe refused to fight back, but he was caught with other people and sent away to Sierra Leone in 1896 and then to the Seychelles in 1900. Even the Asantehene never sits on the Golden Stool, which is a sacred symbol of the soul and the Asante people’s unity. In a rude and disrespectful gesture, the governor requested the Golden Stool for his own use. The old queen of Edweso, Yaa Asantewaa, who was about sixty years old, led the Asante rebellion in 1900 as a result of this in order to drive the British out of Asante.

In April, a group of 6,000 men besieged the governor in the Kumasi fort. The siege lasted until June, when the governor had to leave the fort for the coast “to risk death from rebel bullets rather than death by starvation.” He and his group fought their way through rebel forces before he got to the coast in July 1900. 

With their new stockades, which they built all over the place, the Asante were able to keep the rescue columns and reinforcements sent from the coast from getting through. It wasn’t until November that the rebellion was put down. They caught Yaa Asantewaa and the other rebel leaders and sent them to live with Prempe in the Seychelles. Yaa Asantewaa, who was already very old, died there on October 17, 1921. 

After putting down the rebellion, the British finished colonizing the country by passing three orders-in-council in September 1901 that made Asante, the Northern Territories, and the Crown Colony and Protectorate part of the British colony of the Gold Coast, which is now Ghana. In the areas south of the Pra, where colonization had been going on since 1874, the traditional leaders and their people also fought hard, but they weren’t able to drive the imperialists out. 

Strategies they used here included less and less armed conflicts and more and more civil rallies, protests, campaigns in the press and literature, as well as petitions and protests to the colonial government or the government back in London. The traditional rulers initially formulated these plans at the local level. However, protonationalist movements and societies, led by the traditional rulers and the newly educated and professional class, began to make these plans at the national level starting in the 1860s.

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These groups, including the Fante Confederation and the Accra Native Confederation, existed in the 1860s and early 1870s. They founded the Mfantsi Amanbuhu Fekuw (Fante National Society) in the 1880s, which later changed its name to the Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society (ARPS).

The groups sought representation on the legislative council. They accomplished this by sending newspapers like the Gold Coast Times, the Western Echo, and the Gold Coast Chronicle, as well as petitions like the one Mfantsi Amanbuhu Fekuw sent to the colonial secretary in 1889 and delegates to London by the ARPS in 1898.

They were strongly against direct taxes, the government taking over all “empty lands,” and criticizing African cultures, including names, clothing, religion, and customs. These early nationalist movements only got a few things done, like direct taxation, land ownership by Ghanaians, and a small voice on the legislative council. Until the 1950s and 1960s, they weren’t able to change the unfair, exploitative, and culturally smug aspects of colonization.

Also Read: The Struggle for Egypt and North Africa

History Of The Ghana Empire

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Ghana Empire: As long as Leo Africanus and Luis del Mármol Carvajal were the main sources for early West African history, European historians thought that North African Arabs and the Saharan Berber nomads who took over a lot of the area in the late 1100s were the ones who first set up a state in Sudanic Africa. For example, in 1821, the British geographer James MacQueen said that Ghana was the richest and most important Arab state in the middle of Africa. 

When European researchers got their hands on medieval Arabic sources about the history and geography of West Africa, this picture started to change. Leo Africanus and Mármol had said that the kingdoms of Sudanic Africa were not as old as these sources showed. In 1836, Friedrich Stüwe published a study on Arabs’ long-distance trade in the Middle Ages. He used the recently discovered work of al-Bakr to argue that black Africans had already set up their own kingdoms, like Ghana and Takrur, before they met Islamic civilization through trans-Saharan trade in the tenth century.

Middle Age Arabic sources, on the other hand, don’t say anything about who actually started Ghana and the other early countries in the Sudanic zone. These sources only reveal the existence of the kingdom of Ghana during the Arab conquest of North Africa in the late 7th century, under the leadership of a pagan black ruler. So, William Desborough Cooley, who wrote the first modern history of Western Africa, didn’t answer the question of where Ghana came from. 

Cooley seemingly agreed with Stüwe that the formation of a state in Sudanic Africa had started on its own. This is because he thought that black Africans had ruled much further into the Sahara in the past than they do now. Cooley also thought that the Berber nomads of the Sahara couldn’t set up and run any big political units. Heinrich Barth was the first European researcher to really think about how Ghana got its start. While traveling in Hausaland, he found a copy of Ta’rı¯kh al-Suda¯n.

This history says that the first state in Sudanic West Africa was the strong empire of Kayamagha. Barth says that this empire was like Ghana for Arabic writers in the Middle Ages. The name “Gana” for the city of Kayamagha made this connection logical. Before the hijra (622), the kingdom of Kayamagha had twenty-two kings, and after it, it had another twenty-two. 

There are no other dates given for Kayamagha. Based on this knowledge, Barth concluded that the establishment of the Kayamagha empire (ancient Ghana) occurred around the year 300. According to Ta’rı¯kh al-Suda¯n, the leaders of Kayamagha were “white,” but no one knew what race they were. By the end, Barth thought they were either the Fulani or the Berbers of the Sahara. 

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It was the first choice that made sense because al-Bakr talked about how the kings of Ghana passed down their power through their mothers. Nomads in the Sahara usually passed down their wealth through women, and Barth thought that the black kings of Ghana got this tradition from their Berber ancestors. The Fulani, the second choice, gained support due to their recent conquest of a significant portion of Sudanic Africa, extending from Senegal to the borders of Bornu. This showed how good they were at making big political units. 

Additionally, people did not consider the Fulani to be truly black. European experts couldn’t agree on their ancestry, but they all agreed that, thanks to their supposed Semitic heritage, they were smarter and more civilized than other western African groups. Around the turn of the 1800s, people became more sure that Ghana did not come from Africa. That’s because of three things. 

The first was the new philosophy, which stressed how different races are from each other. Colonial historians claimed that more advanced “white” people from the Mediterranean had laid the groundwork for civilization in Sub-Saharan Africa. The colonial powers carried out this task at the time because black people could only serve their “white” masters.

After European colonies took control of Sudan, they discovered oral histories from West Africa. Many of these stories say that the ruling Sudanese families come from either the people who were with Prophet Muhammad or Jemeni warriors. The purpose of these genealogies was to link the dynasties to the sacred history of Islam. However, colonial historians eager to find white founders for the old Sudanese empires took the oral traditions at face value, treating the genealogies as if they were historical records. 

The third reason was the idea that cultures have spread around the world over time. People thought that a country couldn’t become civilized on its own; it had to learn the basics of civilization from other countries, like farming, pottery, and metalworking. Cultures can only spread when people move from one place to another. It makes sense that there would be a place where the first steps toward society would be taken. 

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European historians say that Mesopotamia was the place where culture began and slowly spread to other parts of the “Old World.” Western writers advanced many fanciful theories about Ghana’s origins due to this ideological backdrop. Felix Dubois, a French reporter who lived from 1862 to 1943, followed the French army from Senegal to Timbuktu in 1896. He searched for the beginnings of Sudanese culture in the Nile Valley.

He thought about the idea that Jenne might have been an Egyptian city in the past. It seemed like Dubois’s theory made sense. Heinrich Barth had already thought that it was possible that the people who lived in the Niger Bend inherited their culture from Egypt. 

Dubois thought there was a link between the middle Niger Valley and Egypt because he saw similarities in the architecture of the houses of Jenne and the tombs of the pharaohs. Flower Shaw, a British journalist who was born in 1852 and died in 1929, expanded on Dubois’s idea. She wrote in 1905 that white people whose ancestors came from Mesopotamia and Persia founded Ghana. She believed that this group of people had ties to the forces sent by Great King Cambyses of Persia to conquer Ethiopia in 525.

In line with the idea that she thought made the most sense, her hypothesis was that the Fulani came from India. Desplagnes, a French officer, claimed in a 1906 book that Carthaginian settlers were the ancestors of the people who moved to Ghana. The fact that the name “Ganna,” which he used for Ghana, sounds a lot like the Punic family name “Hanno,” supported his idea.

Another sign was that the Bozo and Sorko, believed to be the oldest people to live in the inner delta of the Niger, buried their dead in huge jars. Carthage had a similar practice. Also, the old men of Hombori told Desplagnes that the culture came to the middle of the Niger Valley from the east with red conquerors. 

Published in 1912, Maurice Delafosse’s important work, Haut-Sénégal-Niger, was the most influential work on the history of western Africa until the early 1960s. It contained the most popular notion about who founded Ghana. Delafosse asserts that a group of Jewish people who fled Cyrenaica to escape Roman punishment for their failed revolt in 117 founded ancient Ghana.

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The refugees arrived in the Niger upstream delta around 150 years ago, led by their chief, Kara. They came before the Fulani people, who live today. Once they got to the western Sahel, Kara’s descendants ruled over the local black people and started the kingdom of Ghana around the year 300. In reality, the black people had already founded the city of Ghana around 200 BCE. 

Under the Judeo-Syrian dynasty, this kingdom did very well until 790, when the black people who worked for the Semitic lords rose up and killed them. During this chaos, Kaya-Maghan Sissé took over Ghana. He was the king of Wagadu, a nearby country. This victory finally made the black kingdom of Ghana happen, as we know from Arabic sources from the Middle Ages. 

Delafosse didn’t give any direct sources for his story about the Judeo-Syrian founders of Ghana. However, the story is a clever construction based on Fulani oral traditions about their Middle Eastern roots and different, unrelated ideas put forward in earlier works about the early history of Sudanic West Africa. Delafosse’s theory lived on because it fit perfectly with the ideas of colonialism.

Also Read: Kingdom Of Aksum: The Complete History Of A Great African Kingdom

Gambia History

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Gambia History: By 1800, the British were the main European traders on the Gambia River. However, private businessmen, not the government, maintained the British presence. The Wolof kingdom ruled one side of the river, while the Mande kingdom ruled the other. On the south side of the river, nine Mande kingdoms were in charge. On the north side, five kingdoms with large Wolof populations were in charge. 

Each of the Mande states had a king, or mansa, in charge. The king had advisors and an army to protect the state and keep laws in place. People who lived there spoke Mande, Wolof, some Diola, Serer, and some Fulbe, especially in the kingdoms on the upper Gambia River. 
To the north of the Gambia region.

In the 1800s, the French took over more and more of these kingdoms and sometimes got involved in the business of the kingdoms on the northern bank of the Gambia River. The British ended the slave trade in 1808. Because of this, a part of the British navy needed a place to dock in West Africa, and they picked the mouth of the Gambia River. 

The Mande king of Kombo, Tumani Bojang, sold Captain Alexander Grant the sand banks of Bamboo Island, which was later named Saint Mary’s Island. They were right next to the river’s southern bank. The garrison built barracks, office buildings, and harbor facilities. Lord Henry Bathurst, the British Colonial Secretary, named the town of Bathurst (later called Banjul) around these core structures.

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Wolof traders and newly freed African slaves brought more people to the area. The governor of Freetown, Sierra Leone, took control of the new Crown Colony in 1821. The British West African Federation then joined the colony. In 1823, the settlement got bigger and had more people when it got MacCarthy Island and other concessions from the local Mande rulers. 

The new colony had some economic effects on the nearby Mande and Wolof countries, but no political or military ones. The African states did some small business with the British, but they kept their independence. The British were the first to grow peanuts in the early 1830s, and the idea quickly spread to nearby countries.

In just ten years, peanuts had become the colony’s main export, and the British influence grew. However, the most significant changes in the 1800s occurred when the traditional Wolof and Mande kingdoms fought with Muslim reform leaders. These fights began in the 1850s and persisted until around 1900, affecting all areas of the Gambia River.

The so-called Soninke-Marabout wars (which isn’t really a name for them because the Soninke weren’t involved) destroyed most of the kingdoms that were already there and created a number of new Muslim-dominated states. The British did not step in to help the Mande and Wolof leaders, who were already in charge. The fighting was part of a wave of Muslim reform movements that happened all over Senegal in the second half of the 1800s. These movements destroyed traditional ethnic governments and set up new states with an Islamic identity. 

Most of the Gambian people also became Muslims during this time of chaos. Ma Ba, Alfa Molloh Balde, and Fode Kabba Dumbuya were the most well-known and important Muslim leaders. They all created new states in the Gambia River region. There were numerous conflicts in nearby French-controlled areas, and the reform leaders frequently fled across the border.
It was Ma Ba’s dream for Senegambia to have a united theocracy, but it never came true.

uring the wars, the British used force a few times when it looked like their economic interests were at risk, but most of the fighting happened in places outside of Britain’s sphere of influence. The wars slowed down trade along the river, leading to a drop in income.

The British Parliament started to wonder if investing in such a place was a good idea. Some members even suggested selling the land to France, which was aggressively expanding its power over Senegal and wanted to buy the Gambia River area. Even though some people in Britain wanted to sell the land to the French, it wasn’t until a meeting in 1889 that the French agreed to let Britain control the Gambia River and set the current borders. 

Gambia History Gambia History

The colony became a protectorate in 1894. By 1900, Britain had set up 35 chiefdoms in Gambia as a form of indirect rule, but the governor and his staff at Bathurst still had the real power. They divided the land into colony and protectorate areas based on its distance from Bathurst. It’s clear that the British influence was strongest in the colonial area around Bathurst. Despite some resistance to British rule, the locals, exhausted from recent wars, appeared eager for peace.

The British didn’t get involved in the colony’s politics or religion because they weren’t there much and didn’t have much money. Muslim leaders worked with British leaders, and farmers grew peanuts to pay their taxes. Slavery ended in the area for good in 1906, but that didn’t seem to have much of an effect on peanut output, which kept growing quickly. The Gambia’s colonial economy was based on growing and exporting peanuts. 

The government wanted to keep things calm and peaceful so that peanut production would go up, as well as collect taxes and duties on trade. Gambia was Britain’s smallest and poorest colony in West Africa, and it didn’t get much help with growth. The peanuts’ taxed value was just about enough to cover the costs of running the local government. Bathurst got a better harbor, better transportation, and better ways to talk to each other. Missionary groups also built schools. 

Only one secondary school and one hospital served the rest of the territory. The river was still the main way to get from Bathurst to the rest of the protectorate. It was also the main way to get peanuts from the inland to the coast. Even on the river, there were only the most basic ways to get around. After WWII, European countries that had colonies started to take small steps toward ending their colonies. 

But in Gambia, political parties took a long time to form, and the country’s progress toward independence was slow compared to the other British West African countries. Ghana, formerly known as the Gold Coast, achieved independence in 1957. Nigeria did the same in 1960, and Sierra Leone did the same in 1961. These three countries achieved their independence after extensive efforts and a considerable amount of time, long before Gambia did.

Gambia wasn’t sure if it could be an independent country because it didn’t have many resources, its land area wasn’t very big, and it was in a French-speaking area of Senegal. Many people thought that Senegal would take control of the area and make it part of an independent Senegal or Senegambia. Also, there wasn’t a group of educated people who could take over power in the future. 

A strong sense of racial unity was much stronger for most people in the area than any sense of national identity or loyalty to a political party. Chiefs still had a lot of power in local politics. Even though some changes were made in the 1950s to allow more Gambians to be involved in government, the governor and top administrative officers, who were all British, still had a lot of power. 

Gambia History Gambia History

District officers and legally recognized chiefs, who liked things the way they were and didn’t want them to change, ran the protectorate. They changed the constitution twice, in 1954 and 1960. These changes let political groups run for office, but they didn’t set a date for independence. Several small political parties emerged in Gambia during the 1950s. David Jawara and his friends founded the Protectorate People’s Party in 1959, making it the largest of these.

The 1960 elections resulted in a deadlock in the government. Jawara and his partners quit, calling for more changes to the constitution. In 1962, Jawara and his new party, the People’s Progressive Party, emerged victorious in new elections. With 62 percent of the vote, the party won, and Jawara became prime minister. Gambia became self-governing in 1963, and talks began about how and when the country would be fully independent.

Opposition groups wanted new elections when the country got its independence, but Jawara and his party persuaded the British that there was no need for new elections. Gambia became an independent country in the British Commonwealth on February 18, 1965. Jawara was named prime minister. After receiving a knighthood in 1966, Jawara changed his name to Dawda Jawara. It turned into a republic on April 24, 1970.

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The Fulani People

Fulani people have lived in many parts of West Africa and have been very important in the past of that region. The Fulbe have lived on 2,000 miles of savanna, from Senegambia in the west to Cameroon in the east, for the past 1,000 years. They are best known for their skill as cow herders. They are, by far, the most important group of herders in all of West Africa. 

They were also the most important black African group in spreading Islam, which was the main religion at the time, across most of West Africa’s savanna. There are about ten million of them now, spread out in many countries. In the Sahel and grasslands of West Africa, they are still the main group of herders in West Africa’s Sahel and grasslands. 

People have called the Fulani People many different names in writing due to their widespread presence in both English-speaking and French-speaking countries. Terms have changed because of arbitrary differences between Muslims and non-Muslims, as well as between wandering and settled Fulbe. 

There is still a lot of misunderstanding about what term to use and who Fulbe really is. All Fulbe speak Fulfulde, a language that has different forms based on where you live. Senegambia refers to the Fulbe people as Haalpulaar’en, meaning “speakers of Pulaar,” referring to their own language.

Additionally, people from Futa Toro sometimes refer to Fulani People as Futankobe or Futanke, while those from Futa Bundu are known as Bundunkobe. During the colonial era, the French split the Haalpulaar’en of Senegal into two groups: the “Toucouleur” or “Tukolor,” who lived in Futa Toro and did most of their farming, and the “Peul” or “Peuhl,” who lived in the upper river region and the Casamance and did most of their herding. 

The French also got the names of the so-called Tukolor wrong. They thought they were extreme Muslims against France, and they thought the Peuls were submissive non-Muslims. To this day, the Senegal government, many Senegalese, and some experts still make a distinction between Tukolor and Peul, wrongly seeing them as two separate linguistic and ethnic groups.

Many Senegalese, especially the Wolof, refer to the Fulfulde language as Tukolor. Many Senegalese often refer to the Fulbe people of Guinea as Pula Futa, a reference to Futa Djallon, their primary home. Hausa refers to the Fulbe people in northern Nigeria as Fulani. People most often use the Fula word to refer to the Fulbe people who live in Sierra Leone and the Gambia. People in Niger call the Fulani People “red” or “woodabe” Fulbe because they look lighter than other groups. 

Some Europeans, especially those who spoke English as their first language, split the Fulani People into two groups: “town” Fulani, who mostly worked, and “cattle” Fulani, who mostly roamed the wild and were not Muslim. 

As a result, one can find people writing under a variety of names who share a common language, culture, and identity. According to new research, all of these groups are essentially Fulani People, and the name Fulbe (or Fuulbe) is the most accurate. It’s also fine to call them Haalpulaar’en, which is what many Fulbe people do. 

Early European ethnographers had a lot of ideas about where the Fulani People came from, and later Western scientists, linguists, and historians still don’t know. They may have come from Egypt or the Middle East, according to Fulbe oral traditions. This is a typical theme in Muslim traditions from West Africa. According to these stories about the Fulbe’s history, they moved west until they hit the Atlantic Ocean.

From there, they went south to the mountains in the middle of Guinea. Some early ethnographers thought that the Fulani People, who were lighter-skinned, larger, and more “Caucasoid” than other West African groups, came from Egypt, Arabia, or even Israel based on these stories. Some people said that the Fulani People were not even African but rather a Semitic group. 

The ethnographers also came to the conclusion that the Fulani People moved from North Africa to the east, then to the west, and then to the south in a planned way. According to linguistic evidence, the Fulfulde language is part of the West Atlantic subgroup. The Fulfulde language shares connections with Wolof and Serer, both of which originated in western Senegambia.

So, the Fulani People people today and their language, Fulfulde, came from Senegambia, most likely in the northern Futa Toro river area. The Fulbe may have been a herding group that lived in the Western Sahara during the Chadian wet phase, between 5,000 and 10,000 years ago. When the Sahara dried up, they moved to the Mauritanian Adrar. Later, they may have slowly made their way to the lower and middle Senegal River valley, also known as Futa Toro, where they may have married into local groups. 

The Fulbe probably moved from Futa Toro to the Sahel area along the Senegal and Niger Rivers, then farther east. From Futa Toro, they also moved south into the upper Senegal River valley, the upper Casamance region, and finally the Futa Djallon mountains in Guinea. Landowners in West Africa didn’t see the pastoralists as rivals for resources, so they didn’t stop them from spreading. 

Sometimes, Fulbe people who moved around and farmers who stayed in one place fought, but most of the time they got along and worked together peacefully. It’s also possible that the Fulbe moved to places where they could herd cattle and where farmers wouldn’t have to defend themselves very much. 

The migration wasn’t a single large movement; it was a number of short- and long-distance moves that happened at different times over hundreds of years. Some moves were temporary, while others were permanent. Different from other West African groups, the Fulbe have always had a strong sense of who they are as a group. There is no doubt that they have always been aware of their unique look and job. 

Many Fulbe may even think they are “racially” better than their farming neighbors and have adopted some of the early European ideas about their origins in North Africa or the Middle East. The Fulbe have also talked about how independent and mobile they are compared to their neighbors, who have settled down.

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The Fatimid Caliphate

Fatimid Caliphate Fatimid Caliphate

Fatimid Caliphate: Abu Abdallah, a Shi’ite propagandist, led an uprising against the Aghlabid masters of Ifriqiya at the beginning of the tenth century. After beating them in 910, he backed Ubaidallah al-Mahdi, who was seen as the Messiah and wanted to bring Shi’ite rule to all of Muslimdom. 

By calling himself caliph (Muhammad’s successor), Ubaidallah publicly questioned the legitimacy of the Abbasid family, which had been in power for more than one hundred years. Ubaidallah and his family placed great importance on their relationship with Fatima, Muhammad’s daughter, who later married Ali. The Shi’a believed Ali was Muhammad’s real heir, so they called themselves Fatimids. 

The Kutama Berbers, who were the core of Abu Abdallah’s army, got into a fight with the Fatimids when the new rulers wouldn’t let the area be pillaged. Other Fatimid practices also turned off people who might have been friends. A large force necessitated a lot of taxes, which was annoying for the egalitarian Berbers. Additionally, the new government adhered to strict Shi’ite beliefs, such as the belief that Ali’s descendants should hold power.

When Ubaidallah ordered the killing of Abu Abdallah in 911, they lost all hope and started to rebel. Other people who were opposed to the Fatimids joined the rebels. These included traders who didn’t like how the dynasty took over their profitable trade routes, as well as an Aghlabid pretender in Sicily. Ubaidallah put down the rebellion with the help of Berbers, who were promised looting in exchange for their obedience. 

Fatimid Caliphate Fatimid Caliphate

The subsequent capture of Qairawan’s religious center, whose leaders had shown no desire to give up Sunni beliefs, made it clear to the Fatimids that that city would always be hostile. Shi’ite Islam also didn’t make big gains with the general public. Because Qairawan was hostile and the Fatimids wanted to expand their movement beyond Ifriqiya, Ubaidallah decided to build a new capital city on a peninsula on the province’s eastern coast. This city is called Mahdiyya.

In order to facilitate further westward expansion, the Shi’ite masters demolished Qairawan and constructed a city on the coast that gazed eastward toward the Muslim heartlands, the location of the Fatimids’ ideal state. The Fatimids did not ignore the lands to their west, though. The Fatimids’ efforts to take over other parts of the Maghrib gave the rebellious Berbers of Ifriqiya a place to vent their anger, and they helped the economy by taking control of more trans-Saharan trade hubs in North Africa in the middle of the tenth century.

But the Umayyad masters of the Iberian Peninsula were determined to stop the Fatimids from spreading. This turned much of the Maghrib into a battlefield where Berbers working for both the Fatimids and the Spanish Umayyads fought each other. During this time of Fatimid expansion, Kharajism, a Muslim ideology that promotes equality between men and women that had gained a lot of support in North Africa, came back into style. 

Not long after Ubaiadallah died in 934, a conservative leader named Abu Yazid led a Kharaji uprising near Tozeur. The Fatimids arrested Abu Yazid, but he managed to escape and spearheaded a new revolt ten years later, seizing control of Tunis and Qairawan. In 947, they executed him due to his inability to seize Mahdiyya and quell the revolt. When Abu Yazid died, the Kharaji threat in Ifriqiya stopped, but the problems he had caused made the Fatimid leaders start to plan the difficult process of moving their government to the east.

Fatimid Caliphate Fatimid Caliphate

In 969, the Fatimid Caliphate moved their capital to the newly built city of al-Qahira (Cairo), following successful military advances into the Nile Valley. They did not give up their interests in the Maghrib, though. Instead, they made Buluggin ibn Ziri, a Berber tribe leader and longtime Fatimid ally, ruler of the area. The main thing he had to do was hold out against the Spanish Umayyads and their Zanata Berber friends. 

Buluggin and those who came after him played a game of cat-and-mouse with their old masters to see how independent they could really be. The Fatimids didn’t want to spend a lot of money to stop the Zirids from achieving their goals, but they also didn’t want to give up their old lands to their vassals. Instead, they pushed the Kutama Berbers to rise up, which kept the Zirids from focusing too much on their relationship with Cairo. 

When Buluggin died in 984, his family split up the large Fatimid estate. His son Hammad inherited the lands in the middle Maghrib, west of Ifriqiya. By the early 1100s, he had made it into a separate state. In Ifriqiya, Hammad’s relatives didn’t like his aspirations, but they knew that he protected them from attacks by the Zanata and the Spanish Umayyad. As the threat of direct Fatimid intervention in North Africa went away, the Zirids took over an agricultural and commercial economy that was doing very well. 

They worked hard to keep Ifriqiya stable and effectively controlled the caravan routes. This earned them the support of craftsmen and businessmen in cities that relied on agriculture and trade for their income, especially those from Mansuriyya, a suburb of Qairawan that became the Zirids’ political and economic center. However, at the start of the eleventh century, trade across the Sahara began to slow down.

The Zirids weren’t able to boost this trade as much as the Fatimid Caliphate had. The Fatimids needed the trade’s cash and other luxury goods to pay for their big plans and its slaves to build their army. But the rise of the Almoravid confederation in the western Maghrib and the Fatimids’ continued trade interests in Sub-Saharan Africa were both to blame for the fall of trade. These factors shifted caravan routes away from Ifriqiya. 

Fatimid Caliphate Fatimid Caliphate

When the king of Zirid, Muiz, officially cut ties with the Fatimids in 1049, it was for economic as well as political reasons. The Fatimids were angry that their vassals were betraying them, so Ifriqiya was no longer a big part of their plans. To punish them, they made some Arab bedouin groups leave Egypt and move to the Maghrib, even though they knew that a huge flood of nomads would cause chaos there. In 1052, the Bedouins badly defeated the Zirid forces in a fierce fight at Haidaran, northwest of Qairawan.

After five years, they got rid of Qairawan, ending their control over the middle part of the province. The Zirids hid in Mahdiyya, a fortress on the coast. For the next hundred years, they had loose control over the coasts of Ifriqiya from this fortress.

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Ethiopia Civil War

Ethiopia Civil War Ethiopia Civil War

Ethiopia Civil War: From 1961 to 1991, Ethiopia was at war all the time because of its separatist war with Eritrea, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front uprising, and the second, smaller uprising of the Oromo people in the south and east of the country. 

Besides these three uprisings, Ethiopia was also involved in the Ogaden War with Somalia from 1977 to 1978. In 1941, British troops freed Eritrea and Ethiopia from Italian rule. That same year, Haile Selassie came back from exile to take back his throne in Addis Ababa. 

The UN decided in September 1952 that Eritrea and Ethiopia should be federations. By 1958, it was clear that Haile Selassie wanted to merge Eritrea into Ethiopia, which led Eritreans who were against the merger to create the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). Eritrea’s thirty-year war of freedom began with the first shots fired in September 1961.

In the 1960s, opposition to the central government came and went, and it was not always even. As the decade came to a close, there was a split in the leadership of ELF. This led to the formation of a more extreme group known as the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). In the 1970s, both movements worked together, but over time, their differences became clearer. They fought bloodily with each other from 1979 to 1981, and in 1981, the EPLF took over as the main Eritrean freedom movement, leaving the ELF behind.

Ethiopia Civil War Ethiopia Civil War

At the same time, there was a revolution in Addis Ababa that made Ethiopia a Marxist state. The 1973 Sahel drought significantly impacted Ethiopia, and the government’s poor management of drought relief measures expedited Haile Selassie’s downfall. In 1974, he had to give up power, and a military Dergue took his place. Haile Mengistu Mariam became its leader, and he quickly asked the USSR for military help. In 1975, Moscow switched its support from Somalia to Ethiopia. By that year, between 15,000 and 25,000 ELF fighters had taken over most of Eritrea. 

In 1977, the most important year in the conflict, Ethiopian troops were only in four towns in Eritrea. However, differences between the ELF and EPLF quickly turned into war, just as it looked like Eritrea might win. In the meantime, in July 1977, Somali troops crossed into Ethiopia. By November, they were laying siege to the town of Harar, but they ran out of weapons. 

Cuba, which had been backing Eritrea’s war of secession, switched its support to the Ethiopian government and sent 16,000 troops to fight the Somalis in the Ogaden War. At the same time, the USSR delivered arms worth about $1 billion to the Mengistu government. So, by March 1978, the Somalis had to leave, and Mengistu could focus on the war in Eritrea. 

The Mengistu government would finally fall apart because of a second nationalist uprising by Tigre province’s people. Tigre had been part of the Ethiopian Empire for a long time and had a lot of freedom within it. Yohannis IV, a Tigray native, ruled from 1871 to 1889. Tigrayans rose up against Haile Selassie several times while he was in power. The Tigre People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) emerged following his overthrow in 1974.

At the end of the 1970s, when the war against Eritrea was at its peak, the TPLF became important in terms of military power. If the TPLF and EPLF had worked together in the 1980s, they would have been formidable opponents for the Mengistu government. By the early 1980s, the Tigrayan revolt had spread widely, and the TPLF was killing a lot of Ethiopian soldiers while the EPLF and TPLF worked together to plan their attacks. 

Ethiopia Civil War Ethiopia Civil War

In 1988, the government only had control over Makele, which was the Tigre area’s capital. The TPLF, on the other hand, had 20,000 battle-hardened troops under its command. There had been a third, more irregular and limited uprising among the Oromo peoples in the south, who make up 40% of the population. They were less organized and spread out than either the Eritreans or the Tigrayans, though. 

They rose up from 1963 to 1970 under Wako Gutu’s direction and used the name OLF to show their protest. They didn’t want to break away from the central government; instead, they wanted better care from it. The first revolt ended when Gutu took a job with the government in 1970. After Haile Selassie’s fall, there was a second Oromo uprising, but it needed help from Somalia and died out after Somalia lost in 1978. 

The TPLF and the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement joined forces at the start of 1989 to form the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF and the EPLF led the last major operation of the war. In the first few months of 1991, the EPRDF and EPLF swept aside everything that stood in their way. In May, the Mengistu government fell. Mengistu ran away from Addis Ababa to Zimbabwe, and the EPRDF forces moved into the city. Ethiopia named Meles Zenawi, the leader of the EPRDF, and the leader of Tigray as temporary presidents.

The EPLF formed a separate government in Asmara, and its leader, Issaias Afewerke, created a temporary government for Eritrea. It was clear that the EPLF did not want to be part of the interim government in Addis Ababa. It said that it saw Eritrea’s future as different from Ethiopia’s. The EPRDF decided that the EPLF should hold a vote on independence from Ethiopia. The UN watched the vote in April 1993. 98% of people who were eligible to vote did so, and 99.8% of those who did voted in favor of freedom. 

Ethiopia Civil War Ethiopia Civil War

Eritrea officially became its own country on May 24, 1993, and the rest of the world accepted it as such. The country’s first president was Issaias Afewerke. The new state named Asmara its capital, home to 3.5 million people. The EPRDF claimed to be in charge of all of Ethiopia in 1991 and 1992. They wrote a new constitution and now have about 100 political groups.

Elections for a constituent assembly took place in 1994. The EPRDF and its friends won. Votes for a new federal parliamentary assembly in May 1995 led to the formation of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. This was the first step in the process.

Also Read: Haile Selassie I reigned as Emperor of Ethiopia from 1892 until his death in 1975.