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History Of Addis Ababa

History Of Addis Ababa History Of Addis Ababa

History Of Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa is Ethiopia’s capital city. It is one of the fastest-developing cities, with a population of more than 3.5 million people. In 1886, King Menelik II established the town, bringing an end to a period of frequent relocations of Ethiopia’s capital, primarily for military purposes. Menelik’s wife, Queen Taytu, was instrumental in the establishment of Addis Ababa. She preferred the pleasant environment of the Finfinne lowlands to the steep Entoto, a very remote, chilly, and windy summit located a few hours north of the then-capital city. In 1886, while Menelik was fighting in Harar, Taytu camped in Filwoha (“hot spring”).


She chose to build a residence north of the hot springs. Queen Taytu settled completely in 1887, upon Menelik’s arrival in March of that year, and named it Addis Ababa (“New Flower”), presumably due to the prevalence of mimosa trees. The capital city officially changed its name from Entoto to Addis Ababa in 1906. Menelik assigned territories around the royal camp to his generals. Each lived in a safar (encampment), where family, servants, soldiers, and priests associated with that person gathered. Rivers and valleys divided safars.

As a result, Addis Abeba became a sprawling city, requiring many hours to navigate, particularly during the rainy season. Just before Menelik’s emperorship, construction on the royal palace began in 1889. In 1992, a fire devastated the palace, prompting its swift restoration. Many people from the countryside fled to Addis Abeba during the famine of 1889–1892. Another wave of immigration followed the 1896 battle of Adwa, in which Menelik’s forces repulsed an invading Italian army. 

After the battle, the nobles settled in Addis Abeba, as did foreign advisors, dealers, businessmen, and diplomats. This accelerated Addis Abeba’s transition from a military camp to a major civilian community. Tents gave way to plastered houses and wooden structures. Italian POWs expanded the gebbi (palace complex), built bridges, and constructed modern roads. Addis Abeba became an important religious center after archbishops of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church settled there. 

Menelik began construction of Addis Alem (“New World”), about 60 kilometers to the west, between 1900 and 1901. Menelik, however, was determined to keep Addis Abeba alive through significant investments in public and private facilities, as well as the adoption of the fast-growing Australian Eucalyptus tree in c. 1894 that rescued the city. Within five years, this tree grows to a height of more than twelve meters, albeit at a significant water consumption. Addis Abeba was given the nickname Eucalyptopolis.

History Of Addis Ababa History Of Addis Ababa

The first decades of the twentieth century saw the construction of the Bank of Abyssinia, the first hotel, the first modern school, the capital’s first hospital, a brickmaking industry, a hydroelectric power station, and the Djibouti railway track, which reached Addis Abeba by 1917. Addis Ababa’s initial growth was mostly unplanned. The fundamental advantage of this “spontaneous growth” was the absence of specific quarters (rich against poor, foreigners versus Ethiopians), as was common in African cities created under colonial authority. 

By the mid-1930s, Addis Abeba was Ethiopia’s largest metropolis, with a population of around 300,000. Thus, it was an obvious target for colonization by Italian dictator Benito Mussolini in 1935. He vowed vengeance for the Adwa humiliation and aimed to build an Italian East African empire with Addis Abeba as its administrative capital. Menelik’s successor, Emperor Haile Selassie I, had fled just before the Italian takeover. 

Mussolini reopened the debate over whether to leave Addis Abeba, but decided to stay. The authorities approved an Italian strategy emphasizing the “prestige of the colonizer.” It planned two residential districts in the city’s east and south for only Italians, one for officials and the other for “ordinary” Italians. The relocation of Ethiopians to the west coincided with the relocation of the major market (Arada) from St. George’s Cathedral to Mercato, Africa’s largest open-air market still operating today.

After the patriots and Allied Forces fought the Italians in April 1941, they restored the equestrian statue of Menelik II and the Lion of Judah statue. They renamed several streets, including Churchill Street, in honor of Allied leaders. The Italian occupation resulted in hundreds of European-style offices, shops, and houses, which are still visible today in the city’s piazza area, despite the intended settlement of thousands of ordinary Italians in Addis Abeba never materializing.

History Of Addis Ababa History Of Addis Ababa

After the Italians left, the Ethiopian aristocracy carried on their legacy of enhanced homes and amenities. Except for the split of Addis Abeba into 10 administrative districts (woredas), the post-Italian period saw steady growth without any systematic urban planning. The Abercrombie Plan of 1956 (Abercrombie had previously been in charge of town planning in Greater London) attempted to guide Addis Abeba’s growth.

However, neither this proposal, which included satellite towns and ring roads, nor a British consulting group’s 1959 redrafting attempt, came to fruition. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Addis Abeba saw the development of a number of much larger and more modern structures, including the Africa Hall, Addis Abeba City Hall, Jubilee Palace (now the National Palace), and Hilton Hotel. 

A French city plan (1965) governed the construction boom period. Ethiopia’s capital is now widely regarded as Africa’s unofficial capital. In 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) recognized Haile Selassie’s pan-African diplomacy by choosing the city as its headquarters. However, during the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, the capital witnessed the overthrow of Haile Selassie and the rise to power of Mengistu Haile Mariam.

His policies on mobility restriction and land reform delayed the urbanization process until 1991. During this period, the destruction of over one-third of the city’s forests occurred, with minimal efforts made towards reforestation. The Derg dictatorship established kebeles, a type of urban residents’ cooperative. In the 1980s, the Derg dictatorship established home cooperatives to address poor living conditions and established new communities around the city’s borders. A Hungarian planner constructed the massive Revolution Square, the most prominent physical development commemorating the revolution. The Derg government’s fall in 1991 led to the renaming of Meskal Square.

Between 1984 and 1986, the Addis Abeba Master concept underwent preparation. It was a collaboration between the Ethiopian and Italian governments, as well as the Venice School of Architecture. Although they defined the city’s new boundaries, the authorities did not authorize them until 1994. The master plan provided an ideal vision of the future metropolis, but it lacked practical applications for the ideas proposed. 

History Of Addis Ababa History Of Addis Ababa

Ethiopia divided into fourteen areas following the overthrow of the Derg dictatorship, with Addis Abeba designated as Region 14. Under certain constraints, the government encouraged private initiative, leading to the construction of new office buildings and apartments. The 1995 constitution of the “Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” declared Addis Abeba a self-governing city, renaming the Region 14 administration as the Addis Abeba City Government. The Office for the Revision of the Addis Ababa Master Plan (ORAAMP) was established.

By early 1998, the city government had developed the “5-year Action Plan for the City of Addis Abeba.” The document was the focus of citywide discussion and deliberation. Since 2001, the city has operated under a new charter, master plan, and urban management system. The Dire Water Dam and the Ring Road project are two of the most notable achievements. 

However, critics point to the lack of job creation, the management of waste collection and other sanitary initiatives, and, in particular, the housing strategy that involves rising rents, bulldozing slum neighborhoods, and investment policies. The issues facing Addis Abeba are vast, beginning with the provision of basic city services such as trash collection, access to clean water, jobs, housing, transportation, and so on. 

The city’s new administration, which took office in 2003, has stated that it plans to form councils in collaboration with all stakeholders to handle these issues in a transparent manner. This should help to realize the vision statement “Addis 2010: A Safe, Livable City,” which presents Addis Ababa as an effective center for national economic growth and Africa’s diplomatic capital.

Also Read: The Untold History Of Ghana’s Incredible Capital City

Mpox Outbreak Mpox Outbreak

Mpox Outbreak: The World Health Organization stated Wednesday that the increasing spread of mpox in Africa constitutes a global health emergency, warning that the virus may eventually spread over international borders.

WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus made the declaration following a meeting of the United Nations health agency’s emergency committee. On Tuesday, the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention declared mpox a public health emergency across the continent.

According to WHO, there have been over 14,000 cases and 524 deaths in Africa this year, which is already higher than the previous year.

So far, Congo accounts for more than 96% of all cases and deaths. Scientists are concerned about the spread of a new type of the disease, which may be more easily transferred among people.

Here’s what we know about mpox and what can be done to contain it:

What is mpox?

Mpox Outbreak Mpox Outbreak

Doctors discovered mpox, also known as monkeypox, in 1958 after epidemics of a “pox-like” disease in monkeys. Up until recently, people in central and western Africa who had close contact with infected animals reported the majority of human cases.

For the first time in 2022, the virus was proved to transmit through intercourse, resulting in epidemics in more than 70 countries that had never experienced mpox before.

Mpox is in the same virus family as smallpox, but it causes milder symptoms such as fever, chills, and body pains. People with severe cases may develop lesions on their faces, hands, chests, and genitals.

What’s happening in Africa that’s causing all this concern?

Mpox Outbreak Mpox Outbreak

The number of instances has increased considerably. Last Monday, the Africa CDC stated that mpox has been found in at least 13 African countries. According to the organization, cases are up 160% over the same period last year, while deaths are up 19%.

Scientists claimed earlier this year that a new type of mpox has emerged in a Congolese mining town, capable of killing up to 10% of individuals and spreading more easily.

Unlike past mpox outbreaks, which primarily affected the chest, hands, and feet, the new variant of mpox caused milder symptoms and lesions on the genital area. As a result, HPV becomes more difficult to detect, and people may infect others without realizing it.

According to WHO, mpox was recently found for the first time in four East African countries: Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda. All of the outbreaks were linked to the Congo epidemic. Tedros expressed alarm about the disease’s further spread within Africa and abroad.

Health officials in the Ivory Coast and South Africa have detected outbreaks of a different, less serious strain of mpox, which is expected to spread globally in 2022.

What does an emergency declaration mean?

Mpox Outbreak

The WHO’s emergency declaration aims to inspire action from donor agencies and countries. However, the global response to past statements has been uneven.

The Africa CDC’s Director General, Dr. Jean Kaseya, declared the agency’s public health emergency to “mobilize our institutions, collective will, and resources to act swiftly and decisively.” He requested assistance from Africa’s international allies, asserting that the continent’s growing caseload had largely gone unnoticed.

“It’s clear that current control strategies aren’t working, and there is an obvious need for more resources,” said Michael Marks, a professor of medicine at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. Mr. Trump asserted that a global emergency declaration is the necessary mechanism to unlock these things.

What distinguishes the present outbreak in Africa from the 2022 epidemic?

Gay and bisexual men made up the vast majority of patients during the global mpox outbreak in 2022, and close contact, including sex, was the primary method of virus transmission.

Although comparable patterns have been observed in Africa, children under the age of 15 currently account for more than 70% of all mpox cases and 85% of deaths in Congo.

Prior to the emergency conference, Tedros stated that officials were dealing with many mpox outbreaks in numerous nations, each with “different modes of transmission and different levels of risk.”

“Stopping these outbreaks will require a tailored and comprehensive response,” according to him.

Save the Children’s Congo director Greg Ramm expressed concern over the development of mpox in the packed refugee camps in the east, stating that 345,000 children were “crammed into tents in unsanitary conditions.” He claimed the country’s health-care system was already “collapsing” under the weight of starvation, measles, and cholera.

Dr. Boghuma Titanji, an infectious disease researcher at Emory University, expressed uncertainty about the disproportionate impact of mpox on children in Congo. She speculated that it could be because children are more susceptible to the virus, or that social factors such as overcrowding and exposure to parents who have contracted the illness may be to blame.

How might mpox be stopped?

The use of vaccines and treatments in wealthy countries, along with educating individuals to avoid dangerous behavior, largely contained the 2022 mpox outbreak in dozens of nations. However, very few vaccines or therapies have been accessible in Africa.

According to Marks of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, immunization, especially vaccination against smallpox, a similar virus, would most likely be beneficial.

“We need a large supply of vaccine so that we can vaccinate the populations most at risk,” he added, adding that this would include sex workers, children, and individuals living in outbreak areas.

Congo has stated that it is in talks with donors about potential vaccine donations and has received some financial assistance from Britain and the United States.

WHO had already provided $1.45 million from its emergency fund to support the response to mpox in Africa, but it stated that an initial $15 million is required to fund the response.

Also Read: EU To Issue Travel Warnings As The Mpox Risk In Africa Escalates

Mpox Virus

Mpox Virus

European health authorities have encouraged EU countries to issue travel advisories for mpox-affected regions, following the World Health Organization’s declaration of a worldwide emergency.

The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) warned on Friday that as the virus spreads in numerous African countries, Europe would likely experience an increase in imported cases. However, the ECDC asserted that as long as we immediately recognize and manage imported cases, the danger of continuous transmission within Europe remains minimal.

This update comes after the discovery of a new mpox variation in Sweden, which is the first occurrence of this strain outside Africa. Bruno Ciancio, chief of surveillance at the ECDC, voiced alarm about the deteriorating situation in Africa, notably in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and surrounding countries, where the number of cases is most likely underestimated.

To prevent future spread in Europe, the ECDC stressed the importance of quick case identification and containment. The agency has also suggested that EU and European Economic Area (EEA) countries issue travel advisories to anyone visiting areas afflicted by mpox.

Mpox has spread throughout the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other African nations since last year, killing over 500 people, the majority of whom were in the DRC. According to the WHO’s recent classification of the outbreak as a global health emergency, coordinated international action is required to address the catastrophe.

Mpox Virus

The ECDC emphasized the increased risk for EU/EEA tourists who have intimate contact with vulnerable communities in mpox-infected areas. They also identified a moderate risk for close connections with suspected or confirmed imported cases in Europe.

The mpox virus has two subtypes: Clade I, which is more severe and native to Central Africa, and Clade II, which is responsible for the 2022 global outbreak. Several African countries are currently grappling with an outbreak of Clade I and a new strain called Clade Ib.

Sweden recently reported the first European Clade Ib case, prompting the ECDC to raise the risk level for EU/EEA travelers and the general public. The ECDC predicts a minimal impact in Europe, but they urge heightened readiness, including effective surveillance, testing, and contact tracing.

Mpox Virus

Despite the fact that mpox is not endemic in Europe, experts recommend travelers to mpox-affected countries to seek vaccination, and European clinicians should remain vigilant for potential cases. Ciancio emphasized that although we should take the risk seriously, we shouldn’t exaggerate it, given the existence of an effective and safe vaccine.

Also Read: The Damaging Impact Of Colonialism on African Societies

History Of Accra

Accra, like many of Ghana’s main coastal towns, originated as an offshoot of a key inland metropolis, but geography and history conspired to cause the split between parent and offspring to occur sooner than elsewhere. Archaeological evidence suggests that in the late sixteenth century, the Ga people settled in the grassy plains south of the Akwapem escarpment, establishing Ayawaso, also known as Great Accra to Europeans. 

Initially, the Ga were hesitant to allow Europeans to construct permanent settlements on the coast, but in 1649, they let the Dutch West India Company build Fort Crèvecoeur at “Little Accra.” In 1661, the Danes erected Christiansborg Castle at Osu, two miles east of the Dutch fort. Eleven years later, the Royal African Enterprise, an English enterprise, began building on James Fort in the settlement of Tsoco, half a mile west of Fort Crèvecoeur. 

Ga traditions suggest that the establishment of the coastline area occurred during Okai Koi’s reign (1610–1660), likely due to migrations over a longer period. In 1680–1681, the Akwamu invaded and destroyed Great Accra. Fifty years later, the Akyem vanquished the Akwamus, and shortly after, in 1742, the Asante invaded this territory and integrated it into their southern provinces. Consequently, they severed the link between the interior capital and coastal town at an early age.

Nonetheless, the presence of rival European commercial businesses on the coast hindered the development of a centralized state. Even in the nineteenth century, three distinct towns (Ussher Town, also known as Kinka, James Town, or Nleshi, and Osu), each with its own akutsei, or quarter, separated Accra.

It wasn’t until 1867 that the British ultimately bought all of the forts along the coast and unified the towns under one administration. Connections with Europeans increased the influence of numerous mantses, or governors of cities and quarters, with the Abola akutso mantse reigning supreme. However, this arrangement, hotly debated at times, would remain a fundamental topic in twentieth-century political life.

The history of invasions and conquests that made this one of the most culturally diverse locations on the coast, exacerbated these conflicts. Other than Ga, there were Adangme, Allada, Akwams, Akyem, Fante, and Asante. Additional individuals from what would become Nigeria and liberated slaves from Brazil continued to swell the population into the nineteenth century. Undoubtedly, the Akan element was most crucial, contributing to the Akanization of Ga institutions. 

For example, Ga patrilineal inheritance became intertwined with Akan matrilineal inheritance. Opposition to a British attempt to impose a poll tax in 1854 demonstrated the contestation of the spread of European rule. Only after two sea bombardments were the British able to restore control of the territories surrounding their forts. Nevertheless, in 1877, the British shifted the colony’s capital from Cape Coast to Accra. 

The area was healthier, and the broad plains of its hinterland allowed for far greater expansion than the tight, hilly Cape Coast. These advantages made up for the harbor’s unfavorable conditions, which were among the worst on the coast, as well as the region’s vulnerability to earthquakes, as the disastrous 1862 tremor showed. Accra was already the major commercial town on the coast, with a population of approximately 20,000 people. 

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Initially, growth was modest, but by 1921, the population had surpassed 38,000. Accra became the first town on the Gold Coast to establish a municipal government in 1894. The combination of high housing costs and an African minority in this body contributed to its substantial unpopularity. Not until 1898 were three Africans convinced to accept the nomination. 

Plague and yellow fever scares in the early twentieth century expanded the council’s role as an arm of government, with minimal African participation. These diseases also stimulated growth outside of the original, dense settlements. The 1908 plague prompted the development of new suburbs such as Kole Gonno, Riponsville, Kansehie, and Adabraka. British officials began moving to Victoriaborg in the 1870s. 

The 1910 yellow fever outbreak led to the creation of the Ridge residential neighborhood, which was slightly further inland. There were also significant infrastructure improvements. Construction on the harbor’s breakwater began in 1907. In 1909, construction began on a railway line to Nsawam, which was to reach Kumasi in 1923. Accra received piped water from the Weija reservoir in 1914 and received electricity two years later.

Compensating local chiefs for the land needed for these projects always led to heated litigation, and much of Accra’s political life was tied to the city’s expansion. In the 1920s, infrastructural development continued, with significant projects including the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital (1923) and the Prince of Wales College at Achimota (1927). 

By the 1930s, Accra had emerged as the colony’s political center. The National Congress of British West Africa (founded in 1920) was dormant, but new political organizations emerged, including J.B. Danquah’s Gold Coast Youth Conference (1930 and 1937), the Central National Committee (1934), which organized protests against the “Obnoxious Ordinances,” and Sierra Leonean I.T.A. Wallace Johnson’s West African Youth League (1935). 

Also Read: Second Republic Of Ghana

Nigerian Nnamdi Azikiwe edited The African Morning Post, the first regular daily newspaper, in 1934. The town’s population doubled as newcomers from various parts of the colony and West Africa arrived. A severe earthquake in 1939 caused extensive property damage and prompted the government to build housing complexes in the suburbs, which aided the town’s spatial expansion. 
Following World War II, Accra became the epicenter of nationalist activism. In 1948, Accra’s chief, Nii Bonne, launched an anti-inflation campaign. Shortly after, a march of ex-servicemen resulted in shootings and widespread establishment theft. Building on these events, Kwame Nkrumah declared the formation of the Convention People’s Party at Accra’s Arena meeting place in 1949, eight years before Ghana gained independence. 

As the colony moved toward independence, Accra expanded at a rapid pace. A 1954 estimate put the population at just under 200,000, with an annual growth rate of about 10%. Kwame Nkrumah declared Accra a city in 1961, uniting previously independent suburbs like Adabraka to the center. Greater Accra is believed to have a population of more than two million people, and the metropolis, along with its many suburbs, stretches over eight miles inland. 

To address Accra’s harbor concerns, an artificial harbor was developed in Tema, 25 kilometers to the east, in 1961. More recently, there has been significant roadway construction to alleviate traffic congestion in this quickly expanding metropolis. The Accra Metropolitan Assembly, which dates back to the Town Council in 1898, is in charge of administering this enormous territory.

Also Read: Second Republic Of Ghana

Abuja

Abuja is Nigeria’s federal capital territory. A team under the direction of Justice Akinola Aguda chose it as Nigeria’s new capital in 1976 as an alternative to Lagos, which experienced severe traffic congestion. Abuja, located north of the confluence of the Benue and Niger rivers, is centrally located, earning it the moniker “Center of Unity.” Nigeria’s Niger, Plateau, and Kogi states formed the city, which covers around 8,000 square kilometers.

The Gwari, Gwandara, and Bassa peoples originally inhabited it, and Zaria’s ruling Hausa family built it about the fifteenth century. The Fulani jihadists of the nineteenth century did not control the majority of the territory encompassing the new Federal Capital Territory. Despite many raids, the area now known as Abuja was never truly “Islamicized,” as the topography aided the anti-Fulani resistance.

However, with the introduction of colonialism, the territory came under the governmental control of the Sokoto caliphate. Although the majority of its residents practiced African traditional religion, many later converted to Islam and Christianity during the colonial era. Abuja’s vegetation is mostly guinea savanna. Farmers make up more than 85 percent of the traditional population. The city maintained its prominence until Nigeria selected it as its new capital. December 1991 saw the transfer of Nigeria’s center of power to the city.

This occurred following the attempted overthrow of General Ibrahim Babangida on April 22, 1990, by Major Gideon Okar and his companions. The coup attempt resulted in an attack and partial devastation of Dodan Barracks, Nigeria’s then seat of authority in Lagos. The desire to leave Lagos as soon as possible must have been a result of the coup’s instillation of fear. The rush that accompanied this exodus accelerated the creation of Abuja’s new capital city.

Also Read: Nigeria Culture

The quantity of resources dedicated to it, combined with the speed of work, resulted in one of the world’s fastest-developing state capitals. The construction of the city, twice the size of Lagos, aimed to house 3.1 million people. The design of Abuja from the outset aimed to promote greater unity among Nigerians. All city residents may be entitled to citizenship in the Federal Capital Territory.

It also provided an opportunity for the authorities to address Lagos’ shortcomings, such as persistent accommodation and transportation congestion. Throughout the 1990s, Abuja experienced a significant influx of people from all over the country. This was primarily due to the relocation of most government ministries to the city. Civil servants and a rapidly expanding commercial community primarily populate the city today.

Nigeria’s restoration to democratic governance in April 1999 strengthened Abuja’s position as a hub of unity. The confluence of politicians from across the country has finally resolved the issue of its approval. Abuja is one of Africa’s most beautiful cities. The primary settlement hubs are Bwari, Garki, Gwagwa, Gwgwalada, Karo, Kubwa, and Kuje. 

Abuja’s relatively new structures, contemporary architectural styles, extensive road network, and numerous parks and gardens enhance its beauty.

Aside from the numerous federal government ministries and offices and the growing number of business establishments, other notable features of Abuja include the presidential villa (Aso Rock), the Economic Community of West African States Secretariat, the International Conference Center, Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, three five-star hotels (NICON, Sofital, and Sheraton), the University of Abuja, and the National Assembly Complex.

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Abd Al-Qadir, Amir Of Mascara

Modern Algerians consider ‘Abd al-Qadir, who led a revolt against France in the mid-nineteenth century, to be the greatest hero in their country’s liberation war. Early in life, ‘Abd al-Qadir ibn Muhyi al-Din established a reputation for piety, pleasant manners, and intelligence. His father, Muhyi al-Din ibn Mustafa al-Hasani al-Jaza’iri, was a local religious leader, the head of a Sufi brotherhood, and the director of a zawiyah, or religious school. 

When ‘Abd al-Qadir was twenty-two years old in 1830, French forces invaded Algeria under the guise of retaliating for the French consul’s humiliation after the latter struck him in the face with a fly whisk during a dispute over France’s debt to Algeria. However, the French invasion primarily served to distract the French from the domestic issues caused by their own incompetent kings.

Algeria, then nominally controlled by the Ottoman Empire (in the person of the dey, or governor), was already deeply divided between those supporting the dey (mainly the Turkish Janissaries, responsible for choosing the dey and keeping him in power, a group of local elites of mixed Turkish and Algerian descent known as the Koulouglis, and a number of tribal elites), and the mass of Algerians, who opposed the dey’s government and had begun launching a series of 

Due to these divisions, the government was unable to resist the French invasion; instead, Muhyi al-Din’s religious brotherhoods formed the opposition. Muhyi al-Din, on the other hand, was not a young man, and in 1832, one year after French forces conquered the port city of Oran, he orchestrated the election of his son, ‘Abd al-Qadir, to succeed him as head of the brotherhood (and therefore the resistance). 

In this capacity, ‘Abd al-Qadir was in charge of organizing anti-French resistance in Oran and adjacent Mostaganem, advocating for jihad (holy war) against the invaders. He also adopted the title of amir al-mu’manin (commander of the faithful), which reflects the significance Islam had in his military accomplishments. His campaigns, as a competent military leader, compelled the French to accept the Treaty of Desmichels in 1834.

This contract granted the youthful leader sovereignty over the area surrounding Oran. Three years later, at the Treaty of Tafna, ‘Abd al Qadir achieved another win. The Amir has increased the area under his control since signing the previous treaty (including the towns of Médéa and Miliana, which are south and southwest of Algiers, respectively), routed the French forces under General Camille Trézel at Macta, and gathered more Algerian support for his movement. The 1837 contract extended ‘Abd al-Qadir’s power over lands around Oran and the Titteri region. 

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After 1837, Amir spent two years establishing his new state. ‘Abd al-Qadir built a model administration that included equal taxation and legal equality, fixed pay for officials, and the elimination of tribal privilege. He governed from Mascara at times and Tiaret at others. He increased educational opportunities for his people, contributing to the rise of nationalism and independence. 

Despite his role as an absolutist leader, ‘Abd al-Qadir was open to hiring anyone he deemed qualified, including foreigners and religious minorities. The Amir, with the occasional assistance of such experts, established a permanent regular army of approximately 2,000 men, which tribal recruits and volunteers could bolster as needed.

Fortified towns in the interior, such as Boghar, Taza, Tiaret, Sebdou, and Saga, protected his military from raids from French-controlled territory near the coast. Amir also continued to seek more territory for his new dominion. 

He started occupying all interior areas not yet under French military control, pushed eastward to the border of the territory under the bey of Constantine’s rule, exacted revenge on the Koulouglis in Zouatna who had supported the French, and pushed south, where he successfully challenged the authority of al-Tijini, the leader of the southern oases, destroyed his capital, and won the allegiance of the Saharan tribes

In roughly a year, ‘Abd al-Qadir had established control over a sizable area of Algeria, stretching from the hilly Kabylie region in the north to the Biskra oasis and the Moroccan border in the south. Conditions improved in 1841, when a new governor-general came from Paris. General Thomas Robert Bugeaud was no stranger to Algeria or ‘Abd al-Qadir, having defeated the amir five years earlier in a battle at Sikkah; he spent the interim developing ideas for more effective irregular warfare techniques, which he planned to use against the Algerian opposition when he returned. 

In 1841, Bugeaud arrived in Algeria, signaling a shift in French policy toward absolute occupation. It was no longer enough for French soldiers to control Algeria’s coastal districts; they also needed to capture the interior. This new doctrine explicitly mandated the crushing of ‘Abd al-Qadir’s fledgling state. The demolishment of the amir’s fortified villages in 1841 left him without a home base from which to attack the French at tacks.

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Bugeaud’s soldiers began to dominate the interior, systematically seizing district after district, and building army installations and regular mounted patrols in the areas they conquered. This deliberate conquest came at a terrible cost for the Algerian people, as French military activity became more ruthless. The interior conquest resulted in the destruction of villages and homes, the ruin of harvests, and the massacre of inhabitants of all kinds.

In 1842, after briefly seeking refuge with Morocco’s sultan (who assisted in channeling British arms to the amir for use against the French), ‘Abd al-Qadir returned to Algeria and launched a new campaign against French forces in the interior. However, two years later, Bugeaud lured the sultan’s forces into the struggle and soundly defeated them at the Battle of Isly in 1844, leading to Bugeaud’s appointment as Duc d’Isly.

The withdrawal of Moroccan support (followed by orders from the sultan to arrest the amir if found attempting to enter Morocco) severely harmed ‘Abd al-Qadir’s efforts. Despite the spirit of support from many Algerians, the Amir’s power base had all but vanished; he lacked the territory and weapons to successfully confront the French, and in 1847, General Christophe-Louis-Leon Lamorcière’s French soldiers forced him to surrender.

After his surrender, the French sentenced the Amir to exile in Damascus, where he passed away in 1883. Even though the French crushed his movement and France’s comprehensive colonization program in Algeria effectively eliminated any signs of a distinct Algerian national identity by 1870, Amir ‘Abd al-Qadir remains a national hero.

The short-lived state he formed in the mid-nineteenth century, with its principles of equality, piety, and independence, became glorified in popular imagination and served as a rallying cry for Algeria’s lengthy and painful liberation process in the mid-twentieth century.

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Second Republic of Ghana

Second Republic of Ghana second republic of ghana Second Republic of Ghana

Second Republic of Ghana: President Kwame Nkrumah led the Convention People’s Party (CPP) in Ghana until a coup d’état deposed it on February 24, 1966. Colonel E. K. Kotoka, Major A. A. Afrifa, and the other coup leaders formed the National Liberation Council (NLC) to administer the country until the establishment of the second republic in 1969.

Also Read: Republic Of Ghana: Battle from Colonization To Freedom Resistance, 1875–1901

Knowing full well the consequences of this first military intervention in civil administration, Major Afrifa (later promoted to the rank of general) wrote in support of the security personnel who staged the coup. Kwame Nkrumah faced criticism for politicizing the armed forces following the deployment of Ghanaian troops to the Congo in the early 1960s. Afrifa asserted that Nkrumah had no authority to intervene in internal affairs such as the Congo problem and the nationalist battles in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), where plans were underway to send more troops.

Critics criticized the president for his unduly ambitious goal of becoming the first president of a long-awaited African United States. Nkrumah faced accusations of authoritarian behavior on the internal front. The implementation of the 1958 Preventive Detention Act, which permitted political opponents to be imprisoned without trial, was one of the examples given. The 1960 republican constitution gave Nkrumah considerable power as president.

Because of constitutional reforms, the president was able to push opponents like K. A. Busia into exile. In 1965, the president captured and imprisoned another competitor, J. B. Dankwa. As a result of these actions, the president faced accusations of irresponsibly harming the nation and obstructing constitutional mechanisms that could challenge his overwhelming control over national affairs.

Second Republic of Ghana second republic of ghana Second Republic of Ghana

While agreeing that the CPP utilized repression to secure power, left-wing thinkers like Bob Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer analyzed Ghana’s difficulties in other ways. In their book Ghana: End of an Illusion, they highlighted the administration’s failure to rebuild the economic institutions entrusted to it by the colonial authority during the first half of its existence (1957–1961). In the immediate post-independence period, Ghana lost vital momentum toward true freedom by cultivating a neocolonial economic system.

Also Read: Republic Of Ghana: Battle from Colonization To Freedom Resistance, 1875–1901

While Fitch and Oppenheimer considered the 1961 socialist “Seven Year Plan for Work and Happiness” to be the more realistic approach for the country’s self-sufficiency, the experts believed Ghana’s departure from its colonial heritage was only temporary. Despite these opposing views, the coup leaders regarded Nkrumah’s economic centralization contained in the seven-year plan as problematic. The NLC overturned communist policies and vigorously supported pro-Western private sector initiatives.

In reality, in his book Ghana under Military Rule, 1966-1969, Robert Pinkley argues that the NLC saw Ghana’s economic issues as symptoms of a larger problem—the prior administration’s political dictatorship. The solution was to establish a properly organized civilian administration. Only three days after seizing power, the NLC stated its intention to hand over control to an appropriately elected administration. In the interim, Nkrumah’s Preventive Detention Act was repealed, and the NLC sought public input on governance.

During its three years in office, the military governed with the assistance of a network of advisory bodies, several commissions, and investigation committees. They also formed a commission to recommend a constitution, and in 1969, they returned the country to civilian rule. Despite the NLC’s impressive commitment to reestablishing constitutional rule, the effort to address national problems through committees and commissions resulted in the formation of numerous powerful pressure groups that the next administration had to deal with.

Furthermore, the NLC administration progressively assigned military and police officers to public positions previously held by civilians, indicating an official politicization of the Ghana Armed Forces. August 1969 saw the approval of the second republic’s constitution. In this liberal structure, the president served as a ceremonial head of state. The prime minister was the head of government, with the authority to appoint his own ministers.

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The authorization also extended to a house of chiefs. Overall, powers previously held by the presidency became more widely distributed. Thus, many people agreed that parliamentary democracy had returned when Ghana’s second republic began in October 1969. In 1969, K. A. Busia emerged as prime minister, having previously led the opposition United Party (UP) in the early years of the first republic.

Also Read: Republic Of Ghana: Battle from Colonization To Freedom Resistance, 1875–1901

We expected Busia’s international reputation as a scholar par excellence and his pro-Western leanings to provide external support in resolving Ghana’s rising economic challenges. Above all, with the PP holding 105 of the 140 parliamentary seats, we expected the ruling party to promptly address national crises.

In fact, with democracy restored, the public’s attention shifted to the country’s catastrophic economic situation, which they demanded the government handle as soon as possible. To create more jobs and open up the private sector to locals, the administration ordered the expulsion of all illegal foreigners from Ghana less than a month after entering office. The administration also requested American and European creditors to explore alternative solutions for Ghana’s foreign debts.

In its efforts to reorganize the public sector, the administration removed 568 civil servants. Under Nkrumah’s liberal education policy, university students, who had previously received free tuition and board, were also required to pay for their studies. In July 1971, the government proposed an austerity budget that called for the elimination of benefits while raising taxes. The government’s inability to persuade the population that these were required acts caused many to question the logic of such programs.

Two of Ghana’s most strong pressure groups, the National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC), were staunch supporters of the economic policies. In some circles, Nkrumah was missed. In response to the brewing situation, the regime prohibited any direct or indirect mention of Nkrumah or the CPP. The regime also planned firm measures to prevent the TUC from criticizing the austerity budget through strike action.

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While many may have been angry or even saddened by the country’s severe economic situation, the announcement on January 13, 1972, that the military had seized power caught many off guard. Colonel I. K. Achaempong and his National Redemption Council repealed Ghana’s second republic constitution and initiated the next phase of military rule, citing an economic crisis and a fall in benefits for the armed services.

Also Read: Republic Of Ghana: Battle from Colonization To Freedom Resistance, 1875–1901

History Of John Garang

John Garang

John Garang: In about 1945, John Garang de Mabior was born into a Tuic pastoralist family among the Dinka people of South Sudan’s Upper Nile. In 1968, he joined the Anyanya movement, which fought the first round of the civil war between north and south Sudan (1955–1972). When the first north-south war concluded in 1972 with an agreement struck in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, between Sudan’s then-president, Jaafer Nimeiri, and the southern rebels, the Anyanya troops were merged into the Sudan Peoples’ Armed troops, and Garang was promoted to captain. 

Shortly thereafter, President Nimeiri appointed him as assistant director of military research at the Sudan Army General Headquarters in Khartoum. John Garang received his doctorate in agricultural economics from Iowa State University in 1981. Upon his return to Sudan, he began teaching at Khartoum University and the Sudan Military College, in addition to his employment at the military research center. His radical beliefs about the political participation (or lack thereof) of what he called “the marginalized areas” inspired many students at both universities.
During his time at the Sudan Military College and the Army General Headquarters, Garang rose to the position of colonel in the Sudan army, despite growing dissatisfaction with Nimeiri’s government’s policy against the south. 

Plans to exploit southern oil resources, the mistreatment of southern labor migrants in the north, the extraction of forest reserves by military personnel working in the south, the policy of redesigning the north-south boundaries, the mass imprisonment of southern politicians, and attempts to undermine the Addis Abeba agreement all influenced Garang to develop his ideas into a distinct brand of nationalist thinking Garang proposed a system of distributed authority.

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He argued against centralizing political leadership in the capital, particularly in a large and diverse country like Sudan. He asserted that in such a country, the geographical dispersion of political leadership is necessary to maintain contact with the general public. Such thinking drew support from underrepresented tribes such as the Nuba, Fur, and Nubians in the far north, residents of the southern Blue Nile, and Beja in eastern Sudan.

On May 16, 1983, Garang participated in an army mutiny against the central authority. Kerabino Kuanyin Bol, a former Anyanya soldier and senior officer in the Sudanese army, led the insurrection in the southern town of Bor. The revolt was the outcome of discussions by former Anyanya officers in the Sudanese army who were dissatisfied with Nimeiri. 

These policemen, along with certain politicians, recognized that the people of the south had hit a standstill in their efforts to implement the 1972 Addis Ababa agreement. Many southern army officers expressed dissatisfaction with the pact, claiming their superiors, particularly Joseph Lagu, the leader of the Anyanya movement, forced them to sign it. They claimed that they could not trust the northerners and that a return to war was unavoidable. 

John Garang

John Garang and colleagues created the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA) in late 1983, with John Garang as commander-in-chief, as well as its political branch, the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM), which he also chairs. They launched the liberation struggle with a distinct ideology. Unlike the first phase of the north-south war, which called for secession, the SPLA aimed to liberate the entire country and establish a “New Sudan” free of discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, or culture. 

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Garang insisted on dropping the idea of southern independence, which garnered him respect among moderates in the north as well as support from foreign countries opposed to Sudan’s disintegration. Garang spearheaded the call to abandon the term “southern problem” for Sudan’s conflict, emphasizing that northern dominance and injustice did not solely affect the south.

Recognizing the conflict as a national problem, only a constitutional conference comprising all sectors of society, political groups, and labor unions could resolve it and adopt a long-term solution. To persuade Nimeiri’s government of the need for such a meeting, he urged all people in “marginalized areas” to take up arms in order to topple the dictatorship and establish a “united democratic secular Sudan.” 

People interpreted Garang’s thoughts as a rejection of Arab-Islamic dominance in favor of a more African identity for the country. Garang rejected the common southern desire for separation and instead formed a socialist liberation movement in an attempt to gain international support from socialist/communist countries. However, many both within and outside Sudan eventually interpreted his pro-unity position as a euphemistic cover for separatist aspirations.

John Garang

Garang propagated his point of view through an SPLA manifesto, which depicted the SPLA as a socialist movement seeking to enforce unity, but only in a state that recognized its variety and provided equal representation to all cultural groups. To achieve that goal, he sought the assistance of Haile Mariam Mengistu of Ethiopia, who provided guns and instruction. Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi also provided assistance. Both men were secretly pleased with the resurgence of the southern Sudanese civil war, which they saw as essentially an insurgency against Nimeiri. 

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Within a few months and far into the mid-1980s, hundreds of young Nuer and Dinka, the south’s two main ethnic groupings, went to western Ethiopia for military training. The SPLA trained and deployed numerous battalions, capturing hundreds of towns in Upper Nile and Equatoria, resulting in additional recruitment from various ethnic groups in the south. In 1984, the SPLA established Radio SPLA, an Ethiopian radio station that broadcasts into Sudan. 

On March 3, 1984, Garang delivered his first radio address, calling “upon all the Sudanese people to abolish the divisions among themselves that the oppressor has imposed through the policy of divide and rule.” More military victories led to political successes in the north, and the population became increasingly dissatisfied with Nimeiri’s government. While Nimeiri was in the United States in 1985, a popular rebellion broke out in Khartoum, ending his sixteen-year military reign. 

The SPLA, led by Garang, claimed much of the credit for Nimeiri’s fall. The transitional military council assumed power and requested John Garang’s return to lead a post-transitional government, but John Garang declined, asserting that Nimeiri’s removal had not brought about systemic change. Soon after, the election of Sadiq al Mahdi as prime minister in 1986 validated his convictions.

Most of the south saw elections canceled due to the war, and the Khartoum administration recruited paramilitary troops to destabilize the civilian population. The SPLA perceived the ostensibly democratic period as a continuation of the northern tyranny, and the conflict persisted until June 1989, when a military coup established an Islamist administration under the leadership of President Lieutenant General Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir.

Since then, the government has exerted enormous pressure on the SPLA and Garang, despite the fact that it is Sudan’s first administration to face widespread international condemnation for its poor human rights record, terrorism, and religious discrimination. The majority of the inhabitants of the south, the Nuba Mountains, and the Southern Blue Nile regard the SPLA, led by John Garang, as their best hope of eliminating the Islamist, Arabized north’s perceived dominance over them. 

This backing enabled the SPLA to survive a near-fatal split in August 1991, when a group of commanders dissatisfied with John Garang’s leadership attempted to replace him. The coup failed, and the splinter group established the SPLA-Nasir, led by Riek Machar, while Garang’s group became known as the SPLA-Mainstream. 

John Garang

Since 1991, SPLA-Nasir has grown into other organizations, including SPLA-United, the Southern Sudan Independence Army (SSIA), and, lastly, the Southern Sudan Defense Force (SSDF). In 1996, Riek and his Nuer followers reached an accord with the northern government. As of 2004, Garang’s SPLA controlled the majority of southern Sudan, as well as some territory in central and eastern Sudan.

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Garamantes History

Garamantes

Garamantes: Sedentary Berber groups occupied the Maghreb during the start of the first millennium BCE, including the progenitors of the Moors of western parts, the Numids of contemporary eastern Algeria and the High Plains, the Getulians of the Predesert, and the Garamantes of the Fezzan. Two significant events spurred the Maghreb’s incorporation into the world of Mediterranean empires: the founding of Carthage around 750 BCE by Phoenicians from Tyre, and the establishment of Cyrena in 631 BCE by Greeks from Thera. 

Carthage possessed the fertile coastal lowlands of modern-day Tunisia and Tripolitania, but had no desire to expand westward or southward into mountains or desert steppe. Its domain spanned the waters off Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands, and Andalusia, as well as its ports along the African coast up to Gibraltar and Mogador. Its power eventually led to a battle with Rome, and the Punic Wars ended in 146 BCE with the fall of Carthage. 

Built on African land, Cyrena was a typical Greek city renowned solely for its chariot racing. As it exploited the tiny coastal strip of Cyrenaica and Marmarica, it was always in battle with invading desert nomads and, on rare occasions, Egypt. Alexander’s invasion (331 BCE) led to its autonomy until its integration into the Roman Empire in 96 BCE.

At the start of the Christian era, the entire coastal Maghrib and Egypt were Romanized. As early as the fifth century BC, Herodotus mentions the Garamantes. He portrays them chasing the “Ethiopians on their four-horse chariots,” indicating that the Garamantes, like all of their Mediterranean contemporaries, employed horses and chariots. The Garamantes were sedentary agriculturists who lived mostly in the rich Wadi el-Agial, a vast oasis, as well as throughout the southwestern portion of modern-day Libya, between Tibesti and Ghadames. 

The Romans considered them as half-legendary, but unsettling, “an ungovernable tribe,” as Tacitus says, “unceasingly engaged in brigandage actions against its neighbors,” and too far away to be subdued. Germa, the capital city of the Geramantes, had a contentious relationship with Rome. The Garamantes occasionally attacked Mediterranean cities, and Rome frequently led punitive expeditions against them. In other times, tranquility reigned. 

The Garamantes were still a political grouping independent of Rome and Byzantium when the Islamic conquest began around 640. During the first millennium, the culminating phase began south of the Maghrib. The Libyan Desert was a formidable barrier that separated the Sahara and Egypt completely. However, certain inventions from the Mediterranean countries made their way to the middle Sahara. 

The horse and chariot made their debut there. Technical indicators such as two-pole chariots, trigas, and quadrigas aid in dating this innovation, with all Saharan chariots constructed after 700 BCE. The Saharan rock art sequence refers to this period as the “Horse Period” or “Caballine Period”. Another new item, the throwing spear, had replaced the bow, the primary weapon of the Saharan neolithic people. Some decades later, the sword and shield appeared. The introduction of the camel just before the Christian era, however, is unquestionably the most significant novelty. 

The Assyrians, who conquered Egypt in the seventh century BCE, domesticated the dromedary in the Middle East before introducing it into Egypt. From there, the animal first traveled to the Maghrib, where it was used as a draft animal for agricultural labor, and then to the central Sahara. It This animal is abundantly represented in the “Camel Period” rock art. The Saharan people instantly understood the significance of this “ship of the desert.” 

Keeping horses in a harsh desert became too difficult in the early Christian era. Only certain areas, like the Sahelian margins (Air, Adrar des Iforas, Mauritania) or the Maghrib countries, could sustain them. Anywhere else, the camel used the horse as a pack animal. Above all, it made raids easier to conduct. Caravan trade began at the start of the camel period. At this time, characteristic African products, such as Guinean gold from Bambuk, began to arrive in Mediterranean ports on a regular basis, followed by Punic commodities in southern Morocco and Mauritania. 

Only after the introduction of the camel into central and western Sahara could the trans-Saharan trade commence. The rock art of the central Sahara (that is, the current Tuareg country) shows no break in the evolution from the horse period to the camel period, which has continued until the present. 

As a result, the Tuareg or their immediate ancestors, who had been settled in the central Sahara since the beginning of the first millennium BCE, are responsible for the introduction of the horse, chariot, throwing spear, camel, and writing. This contradicts Tuareg oral traditions, which state that they arrived at Air already Islamized.

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Gabon History

Gabon History Gabon History

Gabon History: Three major events characterized Gabon’s history in the nineteenth century: French settlement in the Gabon estuary; French exploration of the Como, Rembwe, and Ogooué Rivers; and Fang migrations throughout the Ogooué basin. In 1839, French naval commander Bouet-Willaumez and Mpongwe leader Denis Rapontchombo signed a pact that marked the beginning of the French colonization of the Gabon estuary. 

The ratification of this pact granted France access to a small piece of land on the Gabon estuary’s left bank in exchange for Rapontchombo receiving French “protection.” France employed this station to suppress the slave trade on Africa’s west coast. American missionaries established a mission at Baraka in 1842, and the Mpongwe chiefs approved the relocation of the French post to the right bank of the Gabon estuary a year later.

The French assisted Roman Catholic missionaries in settling in the Gabon estuary in 1844. The French utilized this new enterprise, known as the Comptoir du Gabon (Syndicate/Cartel of Gabon), not only to capture slave ships but also to challenge the British and German dominance in the region’s trade. However, the establishment of this garrison heightened tensions between the residents of Glass and the French navy. 

After resolving relations with Britain and destroying the uprising in Glass, France began organizing its comptoir between 1845 and 1859. The construction of the Fort d’Aumale, which moved from the beach to the Okolo plateau in 1850 due to its higher elevation and perceived sanitary conditions, distinguished this organization. Nonetheless, this French institution encountered difficulties because food was scarce, sickness was common among French immigrants, and the company lacked manpower.

Gabon History Gabon History

French commerce struggled to compete with the thriving British trade. In 1849, the establishment of Libreville aimed to spread French culture by relocating fifty recaptured slaves from the slave ship Elizia. Libreville later became the capital of both the French Congo and independent Gabon. The signing of contracts with native populations in Gabon is proof that the French started to engage in territorial exploration despite these early obstacles.

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These treaties required local leaders to cede sovereignty while providing France with financial and political advantages. Between 1845 and 1885, France conducted a considerably more aggressive territorial expansion to broaden its sphere of influence. Pigeard explored the Como and Rembwé in June 1846, signing a pact with the Mpongwe and Seke chiefs. The naval commander Roger forged a deal with the Bakele leader Kianlowin in 1848, and placed the Benga of Cape Esterias and Corisco under French “protection” in 1852.

In 1853, Baudin traveled to Como and made direct contact with the Fang. In 1862, Payeur-Didelot and Ndebulia, the Orungou chief, signed a pact. Serval and Griffon du Bellay explored Lower Ogooué in the same year, establishing ties with the Interor’s Orungou, Vili, Galwa, and Bakele populations. In 1873, Alfred Marche and the Marquis de Compiègne investigated lakes Onangué, Oguemoué, and the lower Ngounié before moving on to the Ogooué River and Lopé in 1874. When they arrived at the mouth of the Ivindo River, they encountered the Fang-Meke’s hostility and returned to the Gabon estuary.

However, the most famous explorer of all was Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza. In November 1875, he embarked on his first investigation of the Ogooué River. In 1878, he crossed the Alima River with Ballay before returning to the Gabon estuary. Between 1879 and 1882, de Brazza undertook another exploratory voyage to the Ogooué Region, establishing the station of Franceville in 1880. Between 1883 and 1885, the French government asked him to make a third expedition down the Ogooué River, known as the Mission de l’Ouest Africain (Mission of West Africa). 

Gabon History Gabon History

This mission extended French dominance into the Ogooué and Congo basins. In 1886, de Brazza was named Haut Commandant du Congo-Français (High Commander of the French Congo). In the same year, his brother, Jacques de Brazza, left Maddiville (Lastourville) to explore the Ivindo region in the northeast. In 1888, Paul Crampel toured the north and northwestern parts of the Ogooué and reached the Ntem River, while Alfred Fourneau explored northern Gabon in 1889. 

Bravard and Chaussé, agents of the Société du Haut-Ogooué (SHO), explored the Upper Ogooué toward the end of the nineteenth century. By the turn of the century, Westerners had traversed the whole Gabonese region. Their investigations allowed the French to contact local populations and establish treaties of sovereignty with them, granting the French control over the entire Ogooué River basin. 

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While the French invaded interior regions, the Fang abandoned their northern towns to travel throughout the Ogooué River basin. These Fang were attempting to position themselves as intermediaries in the expanding trade that was taking place not just along the coast but also in crucial economic zones throughout the Ogooué basin. 

Trading with Europeans was critical to the Fang because European-made products were required for dowries and gave social status. The Fang moved from the Woleu-Ntem region to Gabon, where they lived in the Como and Rembwé districts from 1840 until 1860. During their occupation, Ningue-Ningue Island was the principal commerce center. 

Between 1860 and 1875, the Fang left the Crystal Mountains and went to the Mid-Ogooué River. Hatton and Cookson factories in Samkita drew them to the area. Between 1875 and 1900, several of these Fang clans relocated to the Lower-Ogooué region of the southern lakes, where English, German, and American businesses operated. 

Gabon History Gabon History

In 1875, the Fang-Mekey became involved in commerce and settled in the Ndjolé post, while the Fang-Nzaman, who had previously occupied Ogooué-Ivindo, relocated to the trading hub of Lopé between 1860 and 1900. The Fang contacted the Kwele, occupied the Djaddié, and formed commercial relationships with other Fang tribes in Lower-Ivindo and the Okande of Lopé. 

During these migrations, the Fang displaced other ethnic groups in the Ogooué River region. However, English, German, and American corporations dominated trade in the Ogooué region throughout the nineteenth century, forcing the French government to restructure commerce by establishing concessionary companies that became active in Gabon at the turn of the twentieth century.

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