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African Tribes: Five African Tribes’ Unusual Cultural Practices

By Historian September 28, 2022

African Tribes And Unusual Cultural Practices

Africa is a beautiful continent with a lot of different cultural traditions, some of which are well-known and some of which aren’t. Even after so many years since the dawn of civilization, some of these traditions are still followed in the most isolated regions of the continent. Some people may be surprised by the traditions that these different ethnic groups still keep, while others will find them fascinating. Here is a brief look at five different African tribes, each of which does things that are completely crazy.

People should be careful when looking at the pictures because some of them show naked people.

5: The Sharo ritual of beating to get a wife and status

In certain subsets of the Fulani (Northern Nigeria) culture, males who are ready to start a family do not have the luxury of just strolling up to the bride and popping the question. This is especially the case if the bride’s family insists on ‘Sharo’ as a precondition for the marriage to be valid.

The game “Sharo” involves the use of lashings. The purpose of this activity is for the more senior members of society to beat the prospective bridegroom in order to win respect and a wife for him. The wedding is called off if the groom is unable to withstand the anguish that is associated with the ceremony.

As a result of the fact that so many children and young adults of this tribe have been killed by flogging, the practice is no longer considered mandatory.
The bride’s family has other options than flogging, such as the “Koowgal,’ which is a kind of dowry payment, or the ‘Kabbal,’ which is an Islamic ritual that is very similar to a marriage but takes place without the bride and groom present.

4: Banyankole’s ‘potency test’

In many African societies, one of an aunt’s most important jobs is to help her young nieces through different stages of life, such as puberty and marriage. In Uganda, the situation is a little extreme since not only is a person’s aunt employed to give advice to a new bride, but they are also required to have intercourse with the groom in order to demonstrate his ‘potency.’

Additionally, before the bride and groom are permitted to consummate their marriage, the bride’s aunt is required to conduct a “purity” test on the bride. This tradition is quickly dying out, but in some remote areas, the couple’s aunts still have to show that the couple can have children by taking part in or at least seeing a sexual encounter between the couple.

3: The Ethiopian tradition of bull leaping

In some regions of Ethiopia, young boys are subjected to various initiation rites in order to demonstrate that they have reached manhood. In this part of the performance, he undresses completely before racing, jumping, and finally landing on a bull. This is then followed by sprinting over a number of bulls that have been placed in a straight and closely-knit herd and are being pushed by older guys by the tail and the horns.

The term for this kind of activity is “Hamar.” Female friends of the “warrior” are floged by elders and forced to dance until they are sore in an effort to demonstrate their loyalty to their male friend, who is about to demonstrate that he has reached adulthood. The “ochre,” which is a mixture of fat, is applied to the entire body, head, and hair of the female friends. Research shows that even though this kind of behavior doesn’t happen in public, there are still groups of people in remote areas who do it in secret.

2: Celebration of the departed held by the Chewa

The ‘Chewa’ group is a Bantu tribe that lives in the African nation of Malawi. This gang is well-known for their clandestine society that goes by the name “Nyau” (covering their faces in masks). It is common for the deceased member of a tribe to have his or her corpse washed before being buried as part of the funeral rites.

In order to clean the body, the deceased person’s throat is cut open at a holy site, and then water is poured into the corpse while it is open. This is done after the body has been transported there. The water is forced out of the body by squeezing it until it can be extracted without contamination.

1: Wodaabe’s wife stealing night dance

The Wodaabe are an ethnic group that live in the western portion of the Central African Republic, the southwestern part of Chad, and the northeastern part of Cameroon. It is a branch off of the Fulani people’s larger ethnic group.

Members of the community will engage in nighttime dancing as part of the celebration that is usual for them, although dancing will not take up the entire evening. During the time when the dancing is going on, the male members of the tribe are permitted to kidnap women from one another. Even if the woman is married, the man can keep her if she doesn’t object or if the woman’s husband stops him from stealing her.

There are certain aspects of these customs that are no longer practiced nowadays. If you are aware of any fascinating customs that are still relatively unknown in some areas of Africa, do share them with us in the comment box below.

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President Of Uganda Labels European Members of Parliament “Arrogant Boys and Girls” For Opposing Country’s Oil Projects

By Historian September 28, 2022

Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Tibuhaburwa Museveni, the President of Uganda, referred the European Members of Parliament as “arrogant” and “insufferable,” and he informed them that they could not instruct him on how to handle the oil projects in the nation. President Of Uganda, Museveni, called them “insufferable.”

Recent votes in the European Parliament resulted in the passage of a resolution that demanded the East Africa Oil Pipeline (Eacop) project be put on hold due to allegations of abuses of human rights and worries about its impact on the environment.

Museveni criticized the MEPs’ determination as disgusting and criticized their arrogance, referring to them as “boys and girls.”

At the Uganda Annual Conference of International Oil and Gas Summit, which was being held at the Hotel Kampala Serena, he delivered his remarks. During the course of his more than 10 years spent studying the English language, Gen. Museveni stated that he became familiar with the definition of the word “unbearable.”

After that, he stated that “some of these individuals,” who were undoubtedly members of the European Parliament, were “intolerable” and that they needed to exercise self-control or else they would “explode” soon.

The President of the European Parliament stated that he would not take the advise of members of the European Parliament who were younger than him.

“If you go to the European Union Parliament, there are only girls; a young woman is telling me what to do in Uganda!” commented Museveni.

“I think someone should advise these young people.”

President of Uganda, General Museveni, went on to remark that “these people” were very “shallow, self-centered, and wrong” on a number of issues, but in his own words, they continued “believing they knew everything.”.

He told “them” to “calm down” and stop spreading “their ignorance” because they “chose the wrong battleground.”.

“Some of these MEPs are insufferable and so wrong that they think they know everything, but they should calm down. This is the wrong battleground for them. I hope that our partners will firmly join us and advise them. For us, we are moving forward with our program,” said General Museveni.

“The European Parliament itself has enough to do. I advise MEPs there to take a little longer. East Africa has more capable people who know what needs to be done.”

Uganda’s longtime leader, who recently celebrated his 78th birthday, has made it clear that he hates arrogance and that he and his comrades have spent a lot of time “solving problems with arrogant people.”.

He then insisted that the oil projects would go ahead as planned. “Our oil exploration plans continue as before, despite misguided criticism from EU lawmakers,” he said.

The beginning of the uproar about Uganda’s oil projects and the European Union was the passage of a resolution by the European Parliament to halt construction of the EACOP pipeline.

After a few hours, Vice President Thomas Tayebwa made a statement in which he dismissed the concerns raised by members of the European Parliament.

Later on, the President of Uganda, Gen. Museveni, underlined that nobody, not even the European Parliament, would be able to derail Uganda’s oil projects. He went as far as announcing the time frame in which Ugandans might anticipate the extraction of the first oil drum from the earth.

Also Read: All films containing LGBTQ+ content are prohibited in Kenya.

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Mau Mau Revolt: The Kenyan uprising that ended in African decolonization

By Historian September 28, 2022

One of the most complicated revolutions to take place on the African continent was the Mau Mau peasant uprising in colonial Kenya. It was one of the first nationalist revolutions in Africa to take place against the modern colonialism of European countries. In contrast to other nationalist uprisings that were to follow in Africa, the Mau Mau movement was almost entirely spearheaded by agricultural laborers. The vast bulk of its supporters were uneducated peasants, and they battled bravely and doggedly against the British military.

Even though the uprising was ultimately crushed militarily by a coalition of British and Loyalist (Home Guard) forces, its influence on the development of African history was enormous notwithstanding this fact. The event marked the beginning of the end of European power in Africa and sped up the process of decolonization at the same time.

The political economy of the colonial government was the source of the uprising. The colonization of Kenya by Britain resulted in the theft of fertile land from peasant farmers in Central Kenya, the traditional homeland of the Kikuyu people, and its subsequent sale to white settlers.

The loss of land, followed by the declaration of “native reserves,” effectively closed off any potential expansion territory for the Kikuyu people. As a result of a severe lack of available land in Central Province, many landless Kikuyu peasants moved to the Rift valley to work and live as squatters on the farms of European settlers. These peasants were of the Kikuyu ethnic group. In the Kikuyu reserve, there were social tensions over land because corrupt chiefs and other landed gentry were attempting to gain land at the expense of various landless peasants. These chiefs and other landed gentry were also committing acts of land grabbing.

Some of these uprooted peasants found their way to the growing urban centers of Nairobi, Nakuru, and other townships in the Central and Rift Valley provinces of Kenya. After the end of World War II, there was widespread unemployment throughout Africa, particularly in the urban regions of Nairobi. There was inflation, as well as a lack of suitable housing.

As a result of the interaction of all of these elements, the economic situation of the African people, who by this time yearned for freedom, self-determination, land, and prosperity, was dire. The failure of the colonial authorities to either grant political reforms or accept the legitimacy of African nationalism contributed to an increase in both the level of frustration and the level of desperation among the African people.

Even Jomo Kenyatta’s moderate Kenya African Union (KAU), which was a part of the Kenyatta government, was unable to convince the colonial authorities to make any changes. The Mau Mau guerillas fought the combined forces of the British military and the Home Guard beginning in October 1952 and continuing until 1956.

Their base of operations was in the forests of Mount Kenya and the Aberdares, and they were armed with only the most basic of contemporary weapons. In addition to relying on traditional symbols for the purposes of politicization and recruitment, the Mau Mau guerillas increasingly came to rely on oaths to promote cohesion within their ranks and also to bind them to the noncombatant “passive wing” in the Kikuyu reserve.

This was done in order to ensure that the guerillas would not betray the noncombatant “passive wing.” Throughout the entirety of the war, the Mau Mau guerillas made it one of their primary objectives to nullify “the impact of the betrayers.” The guerillas placed a significant amount of importance on the “passive wing,” and as a result, they were unable to tolerate actual or hypothetical opponents to their cause.

An extensive “villagization campaign” was implemented by the British military and political authorities to try to stem the tide of influence being extended by the Mau Mau movement. Kikuyu farmers living in the reserve were relocated to neighboring villages and placed under the authority of the Home Guards.

The objective was to cut off the guerillas’ supply lines of knowledge, food, and support as much as possible. The “villagization program” resulted in the Home Guard becoming corrupt and harsh toward the general civilian population. The colonial authorities rarely disputed the Home Guard’s activities as long as they “hunted down Mau Mau.”

The colonial authorities announced at the conclusion of the war that 11,503 Mau Mau and 63 Europeans had been slain throughout the conflict. These official figures are “silent on the question of thousands of civilians who were “shot while attempting to escape,’ or those who perished at the hands of the Home Guards and other sections of the security forces,” according to the Associated Press.

It had been a violent, bruising conflict that was going to have long-term ramifications in Kenyan society. These repercussions were likely to be felt by future generations. In response to the Mau Mau uprising, the British government devised a plan to simultaneously dismantle the political power of resident white settlers while at the same time strategically bolstering the influence of the traditional Kikuyu landed gentry.

This was done in the name of quelling the Mau Mau uprising. This was accomplished through a mix of the process of rehabilitation and the gradual accommodation of African political activities and initiatives. Both of these factors contributed to the success of the endeavor. “Remaking Kenya” through eradicating radicalism was the primary objective of the program to rehabilitate former members of the Mau Mau guerilla movement and their allies. Individuals who were considered to be radical and were detained during the state of emergency were required to denounce the Mau Mau and its goals.

This was accomplished by the brainwashing of the inmates with a specific religious ideology and the psychological coercion of these individuals through a process that was intricate and laborious. After 1955, the British administration in Kenya was obliged to make political and economic changes in response to the Mau Mau uprising, which opened the door for the development of political parties representing African people.

The vast majority of the former guerilla fighters were not in a position to have any influence over the direction that these changes took, nor were they able to derive any significant benefits from them. The traditionalist members of the landed aristocracy who had founded the Home Guard had a tremendous impact on the society that emerged after the emergency.

These conservatives and their kin had been recruited by the police, the army, and the civil service ever since the beginning of the counterinsurgency operations. While the former guerillas and their followers urgently tried to conform to the new social, economic, and political circumstances, they were in the best position to “inherit the state” from the British.

In postcolonial Kenya, the Mau Mau insurrection has continued to be a contentious topic of study and conversation ever since it occurred. Discussions concerning the Mau Mau’s legacy have been made more difficult as a result of the group’s inability to win a military and political victory. Former guerillas have been unable to “guide the country in any way that could come close to honoring the ‘glory of the revolution,'” since they lack the authority and influence to do so in postcolonial society.

It is debatable whether or not the Mau Mau played a significant part in Kenya’s eventual success in achieving political freedom. The ruling class in Kenya has been very cautious to avoid framing the uprising as a significant turning point in the fight for independence from colonial rule. This has been accomplished while making oblique references on a consistent basis to the Mau Mau and the blood that was spilled during the fight for freedom. Related to this is the emotionally charged question of how ex-guerrilla fighters should be treated (and even whether or not they should be eligible for awards).

The legacy of the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya has become politicized as a result of escalating social and economic conflicts in the country after 1963. Former members of guerilla groups have been recruited by the ruling class to take part in postcolonial conflicts for power and preeminence. As a consequence of this, many of the former guerillas have developed a tendency to modify their stances in accordance with the present political climate. Both the conservative ruling class and the radical leftist opposition have used the memory of the uprising to support their own positions.

Also Read: Biafra War That Almost Destroyed A Country , 1967-1970

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South Africa: Here are five major developments occurring in South Africa right now

By Historian September 26, 2022

Read on to find out about the current events and issues facing South Africa:

Corruption: Lawmakers want to employ the same real-time audit method with the reconstitution of parliament in Cape Town as has been utilized with the use of disaster relief funds in KZN. In January, a fire completely destroyed the structure, and its restoration is expected to cost between R1.5 billion and R2 billion. However, members of parliament are worried about corruption and “cost overruns’ on the project, and they want to see preventative measures put in place to address these issues.

Credit rating: A new credit rating agency located in South Africa has released its first assessment of South Africa’s sovereign debt and given the country an “investment grade” rating, indicating that the agency has faith in South Africa’s ability to meet its financial obligations. This contradicts the assessments of the three largest international rating agencies, which all classify the country as “junk.” Sovereign Africa Ratings of Gauteng says that South Africa’s credit quality is generally high and that the country’s risk of defaulting on its debts is currently low.

Power cuts: The National Association of School Governing Bodies has voiced concerns that frequent and destructive load shedding is disrupting classroom instruction due to power outages. Load shedding will continue at Stage 3 throughout the week, with Eskom saying it will increase to Stage 4 in the evenings. Last week, the country was plagued by stage 5 load shedding that caused significant harm to the economy.

ANC elections: Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma is pitting herself against incumbent ANC president Cyril Ramaphosa by campaigning for the repeal of the party’s step-aside clause at the upcoming electoral conference. Dlamini-Zuma is adopting the rhetoric of the so-called RET faction, which is made up of followers of former president Jacob Zuma. People who have been accused of corruption and are part of the RET faction can’t run for office at the conference.

Markets: The markets saw the South African rand drop by nearly 2% on Friday as the US dollar continued to rise on the back of a fairly hawkish Federal Reserve policy announcement and rising Treasury yields. In the absence of significant domestic variables, the rand often follows the dollar’s movements. But ongoing load shedding is also a factor, as there will be rolling blackouts all next week. The rand’s exchange rates on Monday were R18.08 to $1 USD, R17.42 to EUR, and R19.11 to GBP. This morning, a barrel of Brent crude was worth $85 USD.

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Library of Alexandria: Who was responsible for the destruction of the Library of Alexandria?

By Historian September 25, 2022

The Library of Alexandria was the cultural hub around which Hellenism’s intellectual life revolved, and it was known as the “Athens of the West.” This institution amassed not just the world’s most comprehensive collection of ancient documents and research tools, but also the world’s most extensive collection of written works at this point in time.

Because of this, the most influential scholars in any field should travel to this location in order to broaden their scope of investigation and hone their expertise. It is widely considered to be one of the most impressive monuments to learning in existence, and its splendor has left a lasting impression on every civilisation that has ever existed.

Due to the incredible gathering of knowledge that took place there, the Library of Alexandria is often regarded as one of the most significant institutions that has ever been developed by humans. In addition to this, the chronicle of the Library is a trip through the most significant historical events that occurred during this time period and that involve the most influential political forces, civilizations, and cultures of the time.

The time during which the Ptolemaic dynasty was in control of Egypt was the golden age for both the Library of Alexandria and the Museum of Alexandria. It was during the reign of the Ptolemies that these institutions were established. The Ptolemies encouraged the establishment of institutions that were devoted to the pursuit of knowledge out of an interest in recognizing the tradition and legitimacy of these institutions within the Hellenic culture.

The purpose of this was to establish a cultural authority that would lend legitimacy to their political power. This resulted in the dissemination of culture, which contributed to the great number of resources that were maintained as well as the presence of notable figures from the time period in the fields of history, poetry, philosophy, philology, medicine, and scientific research.

The Library and the Museum both began their collapse once Cleopatra, the last queen of the Ptolemaic dynasty, passed away. This marked the beginning of the decline. This procedure continued until the fourth century after the common era. On the one hand, the deterioration was exacerbated due to the political circumstances that took place in a city that no longer enjoyed the position of capital of the central State or independence. These events took place in a city that had previously enjoyed both independence and the position of capital of the central State.

The library, on the other hand, continued to exist for such a significant amount of time after Augustus annexed Egypt to the Roman Empire. This was possible due to the fact that it continued to uphold the grandeur of times gone by and was valued by the Romans as a great landmark.

In his work titled “The Library of Alexandria,” Hipólito Escolar describes the incident in which the Library of Alexandria caught fire during the War of Alexandria. Caesar burned his own ships of the port so that the Egyptians commanded by Aquilas could not seize them and use them in their favor during the conflict. Hipólito Escolar’s work was written in the 1st century BC.

There is no evidence that can definitively prove or disprove this incident; nonetheless, it is feasible given that the fire may have spread to land. It is important to point out that Julius Caesar does not make any reference to the blaze at the Library in his work “Civil War.” Instead, he makes reference to the blaze at the boats.

In addition to this, the burning of books is not mentioned un Horace’s “The War of Alexandria.” Instead, Horace discusses the inflammability of the city’s stone structures. The Library was not affected by the fire that occurred when the boats at the harbor were set ablaze.

Seneca is the one who stated in his book “On the tranquillity of the mind” (De Tranquillitate Animi) that “forty thousand volumes burned in Alexandria” as a direct result of the military operation. It is important to note that Cicero, Strabo, and Lucano make no mention of the destruction of books in their writings. After that, Plutarch writes in his account of Caesar’s life that the fire moved from the boats to the Library as it spread.

Other authors who mention the fire include Aulus Gellius, Dio Cassius, and Ammianus Marcellinus, however each of them presents their account of the event in a unique way. Since the loss of an institution that was so closely associated with the Ptolemaic dynasty indicates the scenario of its downfall, the narrative of the books being burned during the War of Alexandria appears to be linked to the end of the Ptolemaic dynasty.

Escolar guarantees that the fire did not damage the structures of the Library, including the volumes, and that it did not even harm them. In any event, some of the rolls that were brought into the port were set on fire. The conclusion of the Hellenistic era, one thing is certain: in accordance with the shifting sociopolitical landscape, this marked the beginning of a difficult time for both the Library and the Museum.

Nevertheless, despite the challenges, these organizations were successful in regaining such an excellent activity as the one that came before. At that time, the emperors assumed the role of defenders and advocates of these significant locations, with particular emphasis placed on the assistance provided by Emperor Hadrian. In spite of this, the level of financial assistance shrank over time.

The Library of Alexandria was falling out of its position as the cultural epicenter, and this decline occurred gradually as a result of a number of episodes that were reactions to political conjunctures that occurred one after the other.

Library of Alexandria: What became of the wonderful library that was located in Alexandria?

There are an infinite number of things that could have an effect on it, but the following ones stand out in particular:

1- During the second century, Trajan put down a Jewish uprising against him by using brutal force.

2- During the second half of the third century, there were conflicts that were exacerbated by the political and military issues of the emperors as well as a poor economic scenario. These issues combined to make the situation even worse.

3- In the year 265, Mussius Aemilianus, the prefect of Egypt, stopped sending provisions to Rome and proclaimed himself to be Emperor. As a direct result of this, Emperor Gallienus took control of the city via violent means. The use of violence resulted in damage being done to it.

4- The armies led by Valerian were successful in retaking Alexandria from the Palmyrene Empire in the year 272 AD; nevertheless, the process left Alexandria in ruins, particularly the principal neighborhood, which was the area in which the Library was situated.

5- In the year 297 A.D., following an eight-month siege, Diocletian finally returned and conquered the city that had been rebelling against him. According to Escolar, this episode was responsible for the significant destruction of the primary neighborhood, which resulted in the Library suffering significant damage.

6- In the fourth century, Constantine relocated the capital to Byzantium, and in the third century AD, the Edict of Milan recognized Christianity, which allowed it to be spread further. Constantinople came to dominate culture and cast a shadow over the older city of Alexandria, whose monuments were not reflective of the ideas held by the people who lived there.

7- During this same century, after the spread of Christianity among the Egyptian people, a sense of national pride emerged (along with its own language, known as Coptic), which pitted itself against the pagan and the Greek, which were seen by them as emblems of oppressive power.

8 During the years 375-395 AD, Theodosius was the ruler of the empire. During his reign, the Edict of Thessalonica (380 AD) declared Nicene Christianity to be the official religion of the empire, in opposition to Arianism, which had previously been the case.

9- In the year 391, following a period of extended tension and continual disturbances between Christians and pagans, Patriarch Theophilus was successful in acquiring from the emperor a license for the destruction of the Serapeum, the major temple of the Ptolemaic dynasty.

10- There are others who believe, despite the fact that this is a contentious theory, that the Library existed up until the time that the Muslims took control of Alexandria in the year 641.

On the other hand, there are people who assert that during that period there was no longer a Library because it had been demolished in the past as a result of religious and political strife. These individuals are known as “deniers.”

It is quite unlikely that the library was still in existence when the Muslims conquered the area; as a result, the story that the Muslims were responsible for its destruction is likely nothing more than an urban myth.

To this day, it has not been feasible to provide a resounding response to the question of what actually took place with the Library of Alexandria.

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Great Zimbabwe’s Rise to Power: Its Origins and Historical Trajectory

By Historian September 25, 2022

Great Zimbabwe’s Rise To Power

If you’re looking for the largest archaeological site in Africa, look no farther than the roughly 1800-acre Great Zimbabwe. Portuguese explorers in the sixteenth century documented that Shona monarchs resided in these stone walls, which served as the hub of a thriving gold trade across the Indian Ocean.

Between 1100 and 1450, the monuments were constructed. Then, for several reasons, including a lengthy drought, internecine strife, and the arrival of a warlike population who plundered and destroyed everything in their path, the monuments were abandoned. Further, the location holds significant significance in the story of modern Zimbabwe’s fight for freedom and independence.

The spirit mediums of Zimbabwe’s national shrine on the hill complex were tasked with upholding the legacy of the country’s founding fathers, including Chaminuka, Chimurenga, Tovera, and Soro-rezhou. The Dziva-Hungwe priesthood, whose ancestry predates the Shona and whose country Chigwagu Rusvingo united under his leadership, was the first to hold this holy trust.

Since its independence in April 1980, the Hungwe totem bird (fish eagle) has served as the official symbol of the Zimbabwean state. Despite the testimony of the Portuguese visitors who identified the Shona as the architects, Eurocentric colonial literature thought that Great Zimbabwe could not have been built by the Shona people.

Those who were receptive to the theory that the monument had an African origin still failed to fully grasp the significance of the evidence at their disposal because of their limited knowledge of African civilizations. For some reason, European academics focused excessively on Great Zimbabwe’s economic growth and tried to explain everything else as a byproduct of that.

There is a lot of anecdotal proof that the first constructor realized that an economic basis alone couldn’t support a kingdom. Successive innovators were brilliant because they recognized that religion, not military might or commercial industry, was the true source of power. The divine began to gather in Great Zimbabwe.

The traditional checks and balances between the Monomutapa (king) in his hill complex and the priests in their cave complex nearby were eroded in favor of a priestly monarchy. The common people looked to the Monomutapa, who presided over harvest celebrations and rain-generating ceremonies, as a divine ruler, even though the two authorities were different. The Portuguese were the first Europeans to set foot in what is now southern Zimbabwe (then known as Zambesia).

During the nineteenth century, colonial Europeans settled in the area. At that point in time, the once-great Shona civilization had fallen well below even its former level of glory from the Middle Ages. Back then, it was impossible to attribute the construction of these historic structures to the Shona people. The origin of these structures was the biggest mystery for early European explorers and archaeologists.

R. N. Hall, the author of Great Zimbabwe, has made the case that One argument in favor of a Himyartic (Arab) origin, presented in Mashonaland, Rhodesia: An Account of Two Years Examination Work in 1902-4 on Behalf of the Government of Rhodesia (1969), was that the Karanga were not connected to the gold and copper artifacts discovered at Great Zimbabwe. Hall claimed in his writing that he had seen gold scorifers in the ruins’ lower levels, noting that they were made and worked “by very old Kafir (black) people,” and that Portuguese records demonstrated unambiguously that the “medieval Makalanga, not only produced gold but manufactured it, especially into gold wire” (p.3).

Hall refused to believe that the humble Shona-Karanga, who were then “blessed” by British control, were the creators of a once-thriving civilization, despite the overwhelming amount of evidence to the contrary. His own excavations had revealed that even in the fifth layer of habitation, the objects were identical to those discovered in the top layer—the Shona-Karanga.

This is the reasoning that would form the basis of Dr. Randall Maclver’s native origin idea. Settlements at Great Zimbabwe date all the way back to 200 B.C.E., according to archeological finds. We know that the Khoi and the San lived thousands of years before the Shona did. Professor R. Dart has claimed persuasively that carbon dating of a tambootie tree discovered in the Great Zimbabwe’s wall demonstrates signs of human life much older than the usually accepted age of 1200.

The Shona may have settled in southern Zambesia long before the year 1200, according to oral histories they left behind. In his diaries, Ibu Said, an Arab explorer who lived from 1214 to 1286, recorded the existence of a people he called the “Soyouna” (i.e., Shona) in the southern region of Zambesia. Another explorer and cartographer named Janson labeled the local population as “Sajona” on a map he created of Zambazia in 1639. Around the year 1000, the Shona began migrating southward, crossing the Zambezi River, and eventually settling in the Wedza Iron District.

All the future rulers of this dynasty lived in Great Zimbabwe due to its religious significance, which stemmed from the reputation of the Hungwe spirit mediums and the Dzimbahwe castle. All kings of Zimbabwean descent who rule from Great Zimbabwe take the title “owner of the land,” which is reflected in their name, Mwene Mutapa. The Mwene-Mutapa family of Great Zimbabwe expanded their power to the south, to the Limpopo River, and to the north, to the Zambezi River.

Some tribes were conquered but otherwise left unharmed, with a “royal” representative installed as chief. They wed each other’s relatives in other circumstances. They were so powerful that no chief in all of Zambesia could be considered legitimate unless he was first confirmed in office in Great Zimbabwe. Great Zimbabwe was completely abandoned by 1490. The BaVenda, who live near Mwenezi on Zimbabwe’s border with South Africa, are the direct ancestors of the people who constructed Great Zimbabwe.

These folks have ancestors who aren’t BaRozi mambos but rather Mwene-mutapa. Ancient rainmaking rites and circumcision are also practiced by these groups; none of these is common among modern-day Shona. Even into the 20th century, the BaVenda were hard at work erecting walls around their communities. Contemporary oral history often begins with the great monarch of Dzimbahwe as the originator of their artistic achievements.

The architecture of the BaVenda is strikingly similar to that of the Dzimbahwe, and it is frequently located in inconvenient spots. The BaVenda constructed fortifications and separated the political quarters from the sacrifice sanctuaries within them. In order to pray for rain, BaVenda priests ascend to their fortresses, mimicking Great Zimbabwe’s practice.

The BaVenda occasionally erect colossal monoliths at the gates of their villages for no reason other than to look like their forebears. Such monoliths can be found all over Great Zimbabwe. Beads and divining bowls like those discovered in Great Zimbabwe are in the possession of the BaVenda.

Sacred bulls, crocodiles, spindle whorls, lizards, and doll-like figurines are all depicted in a theme on a divining bowl discovered at Great Zimbabwe. Bowls crafted from wood in the BaVenda style feature similar designs. Even though Great Zimbabwe isn’t a thriving society anymore, its effects can still be seen today.

Also Read: Mutapa State – 1450-1884: The Unknown History of An Amazing African Kingdom

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“The Woman King” dominates the North American box office.

By Historian September 24, 2022

A historical epic about female warriors in a West African kingdom fighting slave traders, The Woman King, dominated the U.S. box office over the weekend.

Preliminary data from Exhibitor Relations were released on Sunday, and they show that the Sony film about the real-life warriors of the 19th-century kingdom of Dahomey (located in present-day Benin) made $19 million.

Nanisca, played by Oscar winner Viola Davis, is a veteran warrior who prepares a new generation of warriors to fight off a greater African kingdom and European slave traffickers.

The actress spoke to AFP on Wednesday, explaining that it took six years to get studios and producers interested in the concept.

The movie made $6.3 million from Friday to Sunday, putting it in second place at the box office, ahead of the low-budget horror picture “Barbarian,” which had dominated the previous weekend.

The bizarre and gruesome “Pearl,” directed by Ti West and revolving on a farm vacation, filmmaking aspirations, axes, pitchforks, and alligators, took third place with a gross of almost $3.1 million.

After that came “Coup de théâtre,” a comedy from Searchlight’s 1950s London setting in which a production of an adapted play is disrupted by a string of murders that a slightly tipsy investigator and his too emotional sidekick try to investigate. The film also pulled in around $3.1 million in income.

In fifth place came “Bullet Train”, an action film starring Brad Pitt from Sony, with $2.5 million.

The remaining top 10 are listed below.

6 – “Top Gun: Maverick” ($2.2 million)

7 – “Krypto and the Super-Animals” ($2.2 million)

8 – “Ball of Hell” (1.7 million)

9 – “Minions 2: Once Upon a Time Gru” (1.3 million)

10 – “Moonage Daydream” (1.2 million)

Also Read: All films containing LGBTQ+ content are prohibited in Kenya.

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All films containing LGBTQ+ content are prohibited in Kenya.

By Historian September 24, 2022

Christopher Wambua, who is acting as the CEO of the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB), has stated that any films that contain content that is LGBTQ+ related are prohibited in Kenya.

Wambua stated during his talk on Friday that the law in Kenya does not permit LGBTQ+ content or partnerships of any kind.

“As we rate and classify content, we also consider other applicable laws. If there is any content that normalizes, glorifies same-sex relationships, our position in Kenya has always been to restrict and not to broadcast, exhibit or distribute that kind of content within the borders of the country,” In an interview with Spice FM, he made the following statement.

Wambua stated that inked partnerships outside of Kenya have restricted the viewership of the content within the country, which is unfortunate because the partnerships were signed in Kenya.

He stated that during the past few years, they had prohibited a number of movies that were made in Kenya and contained content that was LGBTQ+ related.

I am Samuel was a film that was prohibited by KFCB exactly one year ago, on the grounds that it dealt with homosexuality in some way.

According to the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB), the movie broke both the legislation prohibiting homosexuality in Article 165 of the Penal Code and the terms of the Films and Stage, Plays Act Capp 222 of the laws of Kenya.

“For the avoidance of doubt, restricted in this case means that the film is prohibited from exhibition, distribution, possession or broadcasting within the Republic of Kenya,” the Board emphasized.

Also Read: Air traffic controllers in West and Central Africa have called off their strike.

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Air traffic controllers in West and Central Africa have called off their strike.

By Historian September 24, 2022

The air traffic controllers’ union in West and Central Africa said on Saturday that the strike that had been planned to last for 48 hours had been called off. As a result of the strike, which began on Friday and lasted till Saturday, flights all around the region were affected, and hundreds of people were left stranded at airports.

The wildcat strike was initiated by the Union of Air Traffic Controllers’ Unions (USYCAA), and the USYCAA said in a statement that it has chosen to immediately postpone its strike notice for ten days so that negotiations can take place.

“Air traffic services will be provided in all air spaces and airports managed by ASECNA from today Saturday, September 24, 2022 at 1200 GMT,” the statement said.

According to the air traffic controllers’ union, more than 700 workers participated in the walkout to demand improved working and compensation conditions.

The controllers are employed by the Institution for Aerial Navigation Safety in Africa and Madagascar (ASECNA), which is a state agency composed of 18 members that is responsible for managing air traffic over a region with an airspace that spans 16 million square kilometers.

As authorities worked to maintain control towers operational for a limited number of planes, airport operations across the region came dangerously close to coming to a complete halt.

According to a report by the country’s main television station, CRTV, hundreds of travelers were left stuck at the Douala International airport in Cameroon on Saturday morning. On Friday, Camair-Co, the country’s national airline, announced that all of its flights would be canceled because of the strike.

According to Nsoh Brinston, a passenger who was stuck in the airport and was supposed to go to Kigali, Rwanda, his flight has been canceled.

“I will have to spend more than I intended due to the cancelled flight. I will have to do another COVID test which costs 30,000 CFA francs ($45),” he said.

In addition to that, he would be responsible for finding somewhere to stay the night. As passengers gathered at the airport departure board in Senegal to determine if their aircraft was still on time, the airport departure board displayed cancellations for flights operated by Brussels Airlines, Kenyan Airways, and Emirates.

A group of students from Brazzaville, in the Republic of Congo, who were supposed to fly back home from Dakar reported that they were stranded at the airport because they could not pay the price to the city, which is approximately 50 kilometers from the airport.

“We were supposed to board at 0900 GMT but were are still here,” one of the students said, requesting to remain anonymous. “We have been told the situation could be resolved by tomorrow.”

“I was supposed to leave at 1400 GMT. The flight was announced as scheduled but we have just been told that it has been cancelled,” said Maxine Compaore, who was supposed to fly to Abidjan, Ivory Coast.

On Saturday, eight aircraft that were supposed to depart from the major financial and commercial center of Abidjan in Ivory Coast were scrapped.

Also Read: The passing of Queen Elizabeth has revived memories of South Africa’s colonial heritage

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The passing of Queen Elizabeth has revived memories of South Africa’s colonial heritage

By Historian September 23, 2022

South Africa, a country with a complicated history and connection with the British Crown, has been noticeably subdued in its response to Queen Elizabeth’s death over the past week. Some people here are quietly mourning her and thinking back on her special friendship with Nelson Mandela, but others would rather discuss the controversial and long-lasting effects of the British Empire.

“I wouldn’t say I don’t like the Queen – no, no, no. But my everyday reality is [affected] by the impact of colonisation,” university student Sibulele Steerman, speaking while straddling an open sewer in a poor community outside of Cape Town. Many young South Africans now are critical of the concessions made during the country’s transition to democracy in the early 1990s and want the West to do more to apologize for centuries of colonial exploitation.

My grandmother liked the Queen. But we’re a different generation,” Ms. Steerman pointed out that calls have been made this week on social media demanding that Britain restore the “stolen” South African diamonds that are part of the Crown Jewels. On his 66th birthday, colonial officials presented King Edward VII with the Cullinan diamond, the largest ever found.

In 1947, Queen Elizabeth and her family took a converted warship to Cape Town, South Africa, the southernmost point of Britain’s huge African dominion. As of that time, King George VI of the United Kingdom was still officially recognized as the leader of South Africa, despite the country’s independence.

Black-and-white newsreel video shows Elizabeth and her sister Margaret playing tag and joking with sailors on the deck of HMS Vanguard in the shadow of Table Mountain.
However, once ashore, the royal party’s attention shifted to the pressing matter of assisting Britain in maintaining its global influence and economic linkages at a time when many nations were shedding the constraints of empire in the wake of the war.

Princess Elizabeth turned 21 in Cape Town, and to celebrate, she gave a serious speech on her future role as Queen.

“I declare before you all that my whole life, whether it be long or short, shall be devoted to your service and the service of our great imperial family to which we all belong,” Princess Margaret made the proclamation in a worldwide televised address. There was a royal birthday party hours later, and the city’s elites – who were nearly all white – dressed to the nines. Only one other black man, rising ballet sensation Johaar Mosaval, was there that night.

“I felt absolutely enraptured. Honoured. Overwhelmed. I felt this is remarkable to see her on her 21st birthday,” Mr. Mosaval, who is now 94 and feeble but still very stylish, reflected on his life in Cape Town this week. He was invited to perform at the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II in London a few years later.

“I was the first black in the world to join the Royal Ballet. I still have the programme of the coronation as proof that I danced a solo for her Majesty,” he said proudly, going on to praise the Queen for “the very great part she has played all over the world”.

The royal train expedition through southern Africa in 1947 was widely acclaimed as a triumph. “These events in South Africa are being watched by the whole world. They will silence many voices which have been all too ready to say that the days of the British empire are over,” declared a British newsreader at the time.

But the truth was that the British Empire had already begun to decline. When a racist white-minority government took power in South Africa, they instituted a brutal policy of racial segregation known as apartheid, which had a devastating effect on the lives of the black majority.

This caused the country to withdraw from the Commonwealth, a loose network of former British colonies, and to face decades of international isolation. Half a century passed before Queen Elizabeth could visit South Africa again because of the country’s readmission to the Commonwealth. After years apart, she returned to Cape Town in 1995, where she was greeted by Nelson Mandela, the country’s freshly elected president and the man tasked with guiding the country through the tumultuous but eventually successful transition from apartheid to democracy.

“It was a very unusual relationship,” Zelda La Grange, who served as Mandela’s private secretary, reflected on their swiftly built friendship this week. “On one occasion he visited her at Buckingham Palace… and said: ‘Elizabeth, you’ve lost weight.’And, of course, the Queen burst out laughing. And afterwards Mr Mandela’s wife said: You can’t call her Elizabeth, she’s the Queen of England.’ And he said: ‘Why not? She calls me Nelson.”

Is there a price that had to be paid for that tight relationship? It may have contributed to the ANC administration led by Nelson Mandela’s unwillingness to squarely challenge Britain on the topic of reparations, which would have compensated South Africa financially for the harm done to its economy and society by centuries of exploitation and colonization.

“I don’t believe that President Mandela raised the issue,” said Mamphela Ramphele, a prominent anti-apartheid activist and politician. “Queen Elizabeth as an individual probably cared. But the fact is that [she was] a symbol, and the head of the British [state], and there weren’t really any steps taken to acknowledge, let alone to… undo the structural inequalities that were built into a racist, exploitative South Africa, both during the colonial period, under apartheid, and even post-apartheid.”

She pointed out that the Commonwealth countries share many similarities, but their financial resources are locked away in London. Nonetheless, the Queen’s visit to Cape Town in 1995 was a potent symbol of post-apartheid South Africa’s reintegration into international society and the end of the country’s outcast status. The Queen insisted on visiting numerous townships beset by violence in the new South Africa despite security concerns.

“It was a big thing. People were curious to see her. There were about 10,000 people here, and it was nearly chaotic. But it mattered that she came to the black township. She could have stayed in the city, and she was not scared, not scared,” said Ezra Cagwe, a retired sports coach who attended one overcrowded royal event in Langa township.

“It’s not like people are so sad here today. [The visit] was a long time ago, and she was old, as well,” said Mr Cagwe. “I don’t think there’s any connection at all between Britain and South Africa,” said a woman, hanging out washing outside her makeshift shack.

“Nothing is getting better here. There’s more violence, more crime, more poverty,” said one of three schoolgirls, walking past and admitting they knew and cared very little about the British Royal Family.

While younger South Africans may not have experienced the humiliating treatment and racist “bantu education” that black people did during apartheid, older South Africans are more likely to remember, favorably, the educational possibilities offered to them during the days of empire.

Although the screens in the bar of the posh Kelvin Grove Club were stubbornly set to rugby and cricket on a recent visit, there are still many white South Africans in Cape Town who possess British passports and who have mourned the Queen’s passing.

“I think [the Queen] has been a great supporter of South Africa. Colonialism is a dirty word in this country, but I’m a supporter of colonialism and I think there were many good aspects… which probably outweighed the bad things,” said Craig Strang, sitting with friends before a log fire.

However, the national attitude has tended to avoid royal nostalgia and instead concentrate on the topic of colonization, if calls to major radio stations are any indication.
Perhaps it shouldn’t be a shock that some 30 years after the end of apartheid, so many South Africans are still fighting to escape poverty and inequality.

“Most South Africans are saying: ‘Give us an opportunity to be frank in our assessment of [the Queen’s] legacy.’ This is the person we look at and think: ‘Ha – that’s the face of the British colonial empire, an institution that enriched itself through violence, through theft, through oppression,” said Clement Manyatela, who presents a popular morning show on Radio 702.