Gandhi in South Africa

Gandhi in South Africa: When Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948) arrived in South Africa in 1893, approximately 62,000 Indians were living across the self-governing British colonies of Natal and the Cape, as well as the Boer republics of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State (OFS).

Of these, 42,000 resided in Natal, 15,000 in the Cape, and 5,000 in the Transvaal, with only a small number in the OFS. Most Indians in Natal were either indentured laborers working on five-year contracts in sugar plantations and industries or ex-indentured individuals participating in the free labor market and petty trade.

A smaller percentage consisted of traders, about a dozen of whom established significant commercial enterprises. Those in the Transvaal and the Cape worked primarily as traders or laborers. The immigrant population exhibited great cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity, originating from multiple regions of the Indian subcontinent.

Gandhi, a London-trained barrister, came to South Africa initially to resolve a dispute between two Indian business partners but soon became deeply involved in South African Indian politics until his departure for India in 1914. His role can be divided into two phases: before and after 1906.

In the earlier phase, Gandhi focused on protecting the interests of the Indian commercial elite through organizations like the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), founded in 1894, and the British Indian Association, established in 1903 in the Transvaal. Prior to Gandhi’s arrival, such interests were represented by loosely structured groups lacking an effective organizer and articulate spokesperson in English.

Gandhi filled this gap, aligning closely with the views of the commercial elite. He promoted the concept of “Indianness” to frame the rights of Indian immigrants within the broader context of the British Empire. To propagate this idea, he launched the Indian Opinion in 1903, aiming to unite diverse immigrant communities under a shared identity and advocate for equality as British subjects.

Despite his efforts, polite constitutional protests failed to prevent anti-Indian legislation in Natal, while British imperial authorities embraced segregationist policies in the Transvaal post-South African War (1899–1902) to foster unity between Boers and Britons. White authorities increasingly sought to restrict Indian immigration, which had grown to over 149,000 by 1911.

After 1906, Gandhi integrated his moral and ethical principles with political strategy, emphasizing truth (satya) and nonviolence (ahimsa) as the foundation for justice. He argued that duty demanded sacrifice and faith in God, principles upon which he launched the satyagraha (truth force) campaign in the Transvaal in 1906.

When the campaign began in earnest in 1907, it garnered support from around 3,000 resisters, including members of the commercial elite. However, by 1909, many merchants withdrew their backing, prioritizing political over moral imperatives and viewing Gandhi’s methods as impractical. This led to a formal split with the NIC in October 1913, prompting Gandhi to establish the Natal Indian Association.

Before this split, Gandhi had secured financial support from prominent figures in India, notably Gopal K. Gokhale, whose influence bolstered Gandhi’s leadership. Recognizing the need for local allies following South Africa’s unification in 1910, Gandhi refrained from seeking support among African and “colored” leaders, believing it essential to separate issues affecting indigenous populations from those concerning immigrant communities.

With dwindling support, Gandhi turned to the ex-indentured Indians in Natal, addressing their concerns about education and interstate travel restrictions. Although cautious about expanding the campaign too broadly, he waited for opportune moments to act. In March 1913, a ruling by Justice Searle of the Cape Supreme Court invalidated Hindu and Muslim marriages, providing Gandhi with a rallying point.

He mobilized Indian women to join the struggle. By June 1913, he resolved to address the burdensome three-pound tax affecting indentured and ex-indentured Indians. In September, he formally resumed the campaign, incorporating the tax issue into its demands. Encouraged by trusted supporters, he urged mine workers to strike, leading to a surge of 5,000 strikers by late October.

Unexpectedly, 15,000 Indian workers in coastal sugar districts also joined the movement, paralyzing services and industries throughout Natal. Determined to escalate the campaign, Gandhi led over 2,200 strikers on a march from Natal into the Transvaal in November, defying legal prohibitions.

Compounding the government’s challenges was a simultaneous strike by white railway workers, forcing Interior Minister Jan C. Smuts to negotiate with Gandhi. Despite reservations, Gandhi agreed to a settlement formalized in the Indian Relief Act of 1914, marking a significant victory. Nevertheless, critics felt the agreement fell short of fully securing the inherent rights of South African Indians.

Gandhi’s legacy persisted in the 1920s and 1930s, particularly through the continued use of the imperial framework in South African Indian politics. His ideas also inspired resistance to apartheid in subsequent decades.

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Resistance to British Colonization

Resistance to British Colonization: The Giriama people, also spelled Giryama, were among the most successful colonizing societies in 19th-century East Africa. Originating from a small area around the ritual center known as the Kaya, located inland from Mombasa, the Giriama expanded significantly during this period. By the late 1800s, their settlements stretched across much of the hinterland between Mombasa and Malindi, eventually crossing the Sabaki River in the 1890s. This expansion was driven by a combination of internal tensions over resource control and opportunities created by the growing coastal economy, which included access to servile labor—both male and female.

The northward expansion involved the continuous establishment of new homesteads by ambitious men seeking to accumulate dependents and assert control over them, free from interference by their kin or the elder-dominated “gerontocracy” tied to the kaya. These pioneers were further encouraged by their engagement with the coastal society, which itself was expanding northward due to trade in ivory, aromatics, and foodstuffs, along with the rise of slave-based agriculture.

In the early years of British colonial rule, this expansion continued, with colonial administrators forming alliances with the most successful accumulators within Giriama society to meet the limited demands of the nascent colonial state. However, by the second decade of the 20th century, British policies began to clash with the patterns of individual accumulation that had fueled the Giriama’s growth.

The abolition of slavery disrupted the supply of labor, while British officials at the coast sought to recruit Giriama workers for plantations and to support the growing needs of Mombasa. In response, the Native Labor Commission (1912–13) identified the Giriama as a key source of waged labor.

Arthur Champion, appointed as an administrator in October 1912, employed coercive tactics and taxation to increase the labor supply. His efforts, however, undermined the authority of Giriama elders, who relied on accumulating dependents rather than sending them away to work. Restrictions on the ivory trade added to their grievances.

Resistance grew under the leadership of a woman named Mekatilele (or Mekatilili), who drew upon traditional female prophecy to rally opposition against British rule. Many Giriama swore oaths of noncooperation, creating a boycott that led to the symbolic closure and eventual destruction of the kaya in 1913 and 1914.

British officials misinterpreted this resistance as being driven solely by oaths and prophecy, reflecting their bias toward viewing male household authority as stable and magical/prophetic power as subversive. In reality, the resistance stemmed from the devastating impact of British policies on the authority of ambitious household heads.

The situation escalated with World War I, as the British intensified conscription efforts, targeting Giriama men as porters for the military. A plan to evict those settled north of the Sabaki River further inflamed tensions, culminating in violence when one of Champion’s police officers raped a woman, leading to his death in retaliation.

Fearing a rebellion, British officials launched a brutal punitive campaign using two companies of the King’s African Rifles. Over 150 Giriama were killed, and hundreds of homes were destroyed. Without clear leaders to negotiate with, the campaign dragged on until January 1915. Despite no military fatalities, the aftermath saw increased police presence, forced clearance of trans-Sabaki settlers, collection of punitive fines, and recruitment of Giriama porters for the war effort.

After the conflict, Mekatilele returned in 1919 and resettled in the kaya alongside elder men. While the kaya remained a contested source of ritual power, the earlier gerontocratic structure was never fully restored, leaving political and ritual power diffuse among the Giriama. Although the trans-Sabaki region was resettled in the 1920s, the Giriama never regained the prosperity they enjoyed in the late 19th century.

Also Read: How Britain Stole Africa’s History