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The Incredible Rise and Fall of the Busaidi Sultanate in East Africa

By Historian2 March 25, 2025

Busaidi Sultanate

The Busaidi Sultanate in East Africa traces its origins to a time before its formal establishment. In 1652, under the leadership of the Ya’rubi imams, the Arabs of Oman freed themselves from Portuguese rule and gradually expelled them from all their East African territories north of Mozambique. However, internal conflicts in Oman led to the Busaidi gaining control of their homeland in 1744.

Despite this, resistance in Oman prevented them from asserting authority in East Africa throughout the eighteenth century. During this period, coastal communities remained largely autonomous, governed by their own ruling families without Busaidi interference. Among the most influential of these were the Mazrui clan, who controlled Mombasa along with smaller neighboring city-states such as Vumba.

Meanwhile, the Nabahany of Pate rivaled the Mazrui in influence along the northern coast. Only Zanzibar appeared to remain consistently loyal to the distant Omani sultans.

The Busaidi’s direct involvement in East Africa began in 1813 when Sayyid Said bin Sultan staked his claim. Responding to an invitation from local elders seeking protection from Mazrui and Nabahany hostilities, he successfully stationed a military garrison in Lamu. Soon after, Pate also housed a contingent of the Sultan’s loyal Baluchi troops.

However, permanent control over Pate and Pemba was not decisively secured until 1822, when the final Mazrui resistance, along with their supporters and slaves, was expelled. The formal establishment of the Busaidi Sultanate in East Africa did not occur until 1840, the year Sayyid Said permanently moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar.

As global demand for East African commodities expanded in the nineteenth century, Arab and Indian traders and plantation owners—led by the sultans—strengthened the connection between local economies and international trade networks. Plantation agriculture increasingly supplied global markets with cloves and grains. Simultaneously, newly established trade routes from the coast to the deep interior facilitated the movement of commodities such as ivory and animal hides. Following Sayyid Said’s relocation, Omani influence in East Africa grew considerably.

Economic transformations were key to this growing influence. The Sultanate thrived by fostering closer interactions with and reliance on global markets. Subsistence farming gradually gave way to large-scale plantations cultivating export crops such as cloves and grains.

At the same time, the increasing international demand for raw materials, including iron and animal hides, along with the local need for slaves to work the plantations, expanded caravan routes linking the interior to the coast. The Busaidi rulers played a direct role in these enterprises, with Sayyid Said and his successors maintaining vast plantations and participating in the caravan trade.

The Busaidi faced opposition both in East Africa and in Oman. Their rise to dominance was met with resistance from rival factions. In Zanzibar, the Harthi clan sided with disgruntled Busaidi family members in attempts to challenge the sultanate, causing disturbances during the reigns of both Sayyid Said and his successor, Majid.

In Mombasa, the Mazrui were not fully removed from power until 1837, and even then, they continued to challenge the sultanate and its British allies. One particularly defiant Mazrui leader, Mbarak bin Rashid of Takaungu, repeatedly shifted his allegiance—swearing loyalty at times, only to rebel soon after—until Mazrui resistance was decisively crushed by British-led forces under Sultan Hamid bin Thuwayn in 1895.

Similarly, the Nabahany dynasty, which had long ruled Pate, was eventually forced to retreat inland. Seeking to maintain authority, Ahmad Simba Nabahany declared an independent sultanate at Witu, briefly receiving German protection. However, like the Mazrui at Takaungu, the Witu Sultanate was ultimately subdued in 1896.

A fundamental vulnerability of the Busaidi Sultanate was its growing reliance on British support. Oman’s largest trading partner was British-controlled India, and British backing was crucial in enabling Sayyid Said to consolidate power in Oman before shifting his residence to Zanzibar. The British viewed the Busaidi as a stabilizing force in both East Africa and the Gulf region, as well as cooperative allies in efforts to regulate the slave trade.

However, this support came at a cost. Over time, the Busaidi sultans had to accept increasing British influence over their affairs. A series of treaties gradually curtailed the slave trade, starting with agreements in 1822, 1847, and 1873. A more comprehensive treaty in 1876 banned the trade entirely, and in 1897, the compliant Sultan Hamud bin Muhammad issued a decree officially abolishing slavery in Zanzibar.

These treaties strained relations between the sultanate and its Muslim subjects, many of whom resented foreign—particularly non-Muslim—interference in their economic and political affairs.

Caught between the demands of their subjects and the dominance of the British, the sultans had little choice but to yield to British pressure. Some, such as Barghash, Khalifa, and Ali, sought to resist European encroachments and limit concessions, but a series of external threats forced them into deeper dependence.

One major factor was the role of British consuls in mediating succession disputes within the Busaidi ruling family, further undermining the sultanate’s autonomy. Another pressing issue was the expansionist ambitions of Khedive Ismail of Egypt, who sought to seize control of East African coastal territories. Only British intervention prevented this from happening.

The situation worsened in the 1880s when European imperial ambitions placed additional pressure on the sultanate. In 1884, both Germany and Britain formally staked territorial claims in East Africa, compelling the sultans to accept British “protection.”

This arrangement ultimately led to the cession of Kenya to British control. By the reign of Sultan Hamud bin Muhammad, British dominance over the sultanate was nearly absolute. From that point onward, the Busaidi sultans ruled as figureheads under the authority of British colonial administrators.

This situation persisted until Zanzibar gained independence. However, independence proved disastrous for the Busaidi dynasty. In the revolution of 1964, approximately 5,000 Arabs were massacred, and the last reigning sultan, Abdullah bin Khalifa, was forced into exile.

Also Read: Zanzibar’s Incredible Rise and Fall: A Millennium of Trade, Power, and Cultural Crossroads

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African History

Zanzibar’s Incredible Rise and Fall: A Millennium of Trade, Power, and Cultural Crossroads

By Historian2 March 11, 2025

Zanzibar’s History

Zanzibar, the principal port and commercial hub of the Zanzibar Archipelago, is situated just off the East African coastline. Its golden age occurred in the 19th century, when its economic influence extended deep into the African mainland. The town originated as a Swahili fishing settlement in the 12th century on the Shangani Peninsula on Unguja Island’s western side. By the mid-16th century, Portuguese explorers arrived, establishing a strategic base by 1591. This marked the beginning of European influence in the region, though it’s history was shaped by a complex interplay of local, Arab, and foreign powers.

Over the following century, it was governed by local rulers under Portuguese hegemony. The Portuguese sought control of the Indian Ocean trade routes, leveraging Zanzibar’s strategic location. However, their dominance was challenged by the rising power of Oman in the late 17th century. Zanzibar became a battleground in Portuguese-Omani rivalry, leading to the town being destroyed twice. By approximately 1698, the Omani forces, led by Sultan Barghash ibn Said, emerged victorious. They built a fort on the ruins of a Portuguese chapel—a structure still standing today—a symbol of Omani authority. The fort housed a small garrison, cementing Omani control over the region.

Queen Fatuma, the indigenous ruler of northern Unguja, was exiled until 1709. Her successor, Sultan Hassan, is celebrated as the true founder of Zanzibar. In the early 1720s, he cleared the Shangani Peninsula of brush, laying the groundwork for urban development. This act marked the transition from a small fishing village to a nascent town.

Over subsequent decades, Arab merchants and plantation owners from Pate and Shatiri Arabs from Mafia Island settled in Zanzibar. Their wealth was fueled by the transoceanic slave trade, which supplied labor to French colonies like Mauritius (Ile-de-France) and Réunion (Ile Bourbon). By the late 18th century, Zanzibar’s economy boomed, though most buildings remained modest, constructed with materials like coral and timber.

The Busa’idi rulers of Oman recognized Zanzibar’s potential as a trade hub. In 1840, Sultan Seyyid Said relocated his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, signaling its rise to regional prominence. From this base, the Busa’idi dynasty orchestrated caravans deep into the African interior, reaching present-day Zambia and Congo, to extract ivory and slaves. By mid-century, Zanzibar’s influence stretched across East Africa to Lake Tanganyika, though its control was commercial rather than political. Annual exports through Zanzibar surged from $765,000 in 1843 to $3.7 million by 1864, dominated by ivory, copal, cowrie shells, and hides.

Simultaneously, Zanzibar’s rulers turned to agriculture. By the 1820s, clove plantations emerged on Unguja and Pemba, cultivated by enslaved labor from the mainland. By 1859, five million pounds of cloves were exported annually, making Zanzibar a global spice powerhouse. The slave trade reached its peak in the mid-19th century, with up to 20,000 enslaved Africans arriving annually. Most were retained on the islands to work plantations, while others were shipped to coastal East Africa, India, or the Middle East.

Zanzibar’s wealth was etched into its architecture. Stone Town, built during this era, showcased grand Arab-style homes with elaborately carved doors, symbols of status. Sultan Bargash (1870–1888) commissioned the Beit al-Ajaob (“House of Wonder”), a massive structure completed in 1883 that still dominates the coastline. Meanwhile, Indian Muslims increasingly dominated trade, their population growing from 214 in 1819 to over 3,000 by the 1870s. They replaced Arab merchants as financiers of the caravan trade, constructing homes with Indian-inspired balconies and carvings. Less affluent Indians lived above shops in central streets, forming a bustling commercial core.

South of the Shangani Peninsula, Ng’ambo (“the other side”) emerged as Zanzibar’s African residential area. Initially a small community of enslaved Africans surrounded by farmland, it expanded rapidly after 1850. By 1895, it had 15 wards and 15,000 residents, including freed laborers, Indian traders, and Malagasy settlers. By 1922, Ng’ambo’s population surpassed Stone Town’s, reflecting its role as a hub for working-class Swahili and migrant communities.

European involvement intensified in the mid-19th century. The U.S. appointed a consul in 1837, followed by Britain, whose diplomatic presence grew significantly. Explorers like Richard Francis Burton, David Livingstone, and Henry Morton Stanley used Zanzibar as a base for African expeditions. The Anglican Church established a mission in 1879, building a church on the former slave market site. However, European colonization of the mainland eroded Zanzibar’s dominance. British encroachment culminated in the 1890 Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty, which declared Zanzibar a British protectorate.

British rule brought decline. In 1896, Zanzibar faced bombardment during a succession crisis after Sultan Hamid’s death. Modern ports on the mainland siphoned trade away, leaving Zanzibar reliant on cloves and coconut products. A 1929 wharf catered to a shrinking domestic market. Colonial projects like the High Court’s “Saracenic”-style architecture and the 1950 creek reclamation altered the landscape but did little to revive the economy.

Independence came in December 1963, but stability was short-lived. Within a month, a revolution led by Ugandan mercenary John Okello overthrew Sultan Jamshid, who was exiled. The revolution, marked by the storming of police stations like Ziwani and Mtoni, triggered an exodus of Arabs and Indians, who feared retribution. Stone Town’s homes were nationalized, many abandoned or occupied by officials. Ng’ambo, however, grew rapidly, with Swahili housing and Soviet-style flats constructed in the 1970s. By 1978, Zanzibar’s population reached 111,000, reflecting rural-to-urban migration and regional instability.

In 1988, Stone Town was declared a conservation area, and its designation as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2000 spurred restoration efforts. Tourism emerged as a lifeline, funding projects to preserve coral buildings and Swahili architecture. However, the influx of visitors strained infrastructure, and debates over commercialization arose. Despite challenges, Stone Town’s blend of Arab, Indian, and African influences—seen in its winding alleys, carved doors, and spice markets—draws global attention.

Today, Zanzibar remains a bustling commercial center, though its economic reliance on tourism and cloves leaves it vulnerable to global market shifts. Migrants continue to arrive from rural areas and the mainland, seeking opportunity in a city that has weathered centuries of change. Its layered history—a mosaic of Swahili, Arab, Indian, and European influences—ensures Zanzibar’s enduring cultural significance.

Also read: The Incredible Evolution of Trade in Precolonial Zambia

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African History

Zambia History: The Incredible Evolution of Trade in Precolonial Zambia

By Historian2 February 22, 2025

Zambia History

Zambia History: In precolonial Africa, trade took three main forms. The first was local trade, carried out by people living near each other, often in village markets where locally produced goods were exchanged. The second type, termed “regional trade” by Vansina, took place over longer distances, involving different cultural groups within a state or neighboring communities.

This trade occurred at marketplaces near borders or in state capitals. The third type was long-distance trade. To understand its nature, it is essential to examine how local trade developed. Many assume African trade began only with the export of gold, ivory, and slaves, but these were just prominent outcomes of wider economic exchanges within Africa and between Africa and external markets.

Local trade mainly involved goods for daily use, such as food, metal tools, pottery, and clothing. Although barter was common, items like wire, copper crosses, beads, and cloth were sometimes used as currency due to their widespread demand. Permanent markets did not exist, but chiefs’ palaces often served as redistribution centers, enhancing their influence over their people. The extent of local trade in 19th-century Zambia determined participation in long-distance trade.

Established trade networks connected the African interior to the coast, stimulating both local production and exports. Early European visitors, including missionary David Livingstone, documented the trade they encountered in Africa. Before European arrival, long-distance trade was rare in Central Africa, becoming widespread in 19th-century Zambia.

This direct trade primarily involved European goods, though slaves and iron were also major commodities. By 1840, the Luvale in northwestern Zambia were trading slaves for guns with the Mbundu of Bihe. Sibetwane of the Kololo leveraged his position in the Upper Zambezi to expand his trading network. Throughout the 19th century, Zambian economies were shaped by the ivory and slave trades.

From 1852 onwards, traders from Angola, called the Mambari, frequently visited Barotseland, exchanging guns and cloth for ivory and occasional Kololo slaves. By 1800, Zambia was integrated into trading networks linked to the Nyamwezi of Tanzania and the Arabs of Zanzibar. The Nyamwezi reached as far as Katanga’s copper mines, with a caravan arriving at Kazembe’s capital in 1855. Msiri, a prominent Arab trader, was active in northern Zambia and shifted the focus of long-distance trade.

Some traders overpowered local chiefs to expand their influence. In 1867, Tippu Tip defeated the Tabwa to dominate the ivory trade. The Arab presence destabilized local politics, with some rulers forming alliances with Arab traders for support in succession disputes. In 1872, a Lunda prince sought Arab backing to overthrow Kazembe, successfully taking the throne with their assistance, altering the kingdom’s political landscape.

Since then, Lunda princes have been closely monitored at the capital and denied political power. Long-distance trade extended across colonial Zambia, overlapping with the Luba Lomani empire. The largest Luba kingdom, founded by Kongolo and Kalala Ilunga, expanded into Bisa territory, linking trade routes to the east coast by 1780. Trade was also connected to the west coast via Luanda. By 1800, the Bisa extended their trade beyond Kazembe, with whom they had traded since 1760. They were known for dealing in ivory and slaves.

The Kazembe kingdom’s establishment and long-distance trade enhanced Zambia’s traditional economy, fostering regional specialization. The Lamba specialized in ironworking, enabling them to engage in long-distance trade. The Ushi of today’s Luapula Province produced iron and copper weapons, giving them a competitive advantage. The Shila and Tabwa, near Lake Mwelu, focused on salt production. These commodities linked Luba Lomani and Kazembe through trade networks.

Copper crosses from Kazembe served as currency in Luba Lomani, prompting annual trade expeditions to acquire them. As Luba Lomani expanded, long-distance trade accelerated, with new trading groups like the Nyamwezi reaching Kazembe in the early 19th century, followed later by Arabs. The rise of long-distance trade in precolonial Zambia fueled kingdom expansion while others fell.

Around 1860, Msiri became the first long-distance trader to seize political power in Katanga and Mpande’s copper-rich region. Establishing direct trade routes to both east and west coasts, he significantly increased his political authority. Long-distance trade played a key role in Zambia’s eventual colonization.

Political Turmoil in Swaziland: The Power Struggle After King Sobhuza II’s Death

By Historian2 February 20, 2025

Political Turmoil in Swaziland

After King Sobhuza II died in 1982, Swaziland faced a period of uncertainty because he had controlled the entire government. Members of the royal family started fighting for power, and some gained support from the Swaziland National Council. Prince Mfanasibili, for example, wanted to make decisions in the absence of a king.

The political group called the Liqoqo, which had existed before colonial rule and was later revived, played a big role in this struggle. It was meant to advise the king, but after Sobhuza’s death, it became unclear how much power it should have.

After Sobhuza’s passing, Queen Regent Dzeliwe took over, appointing 15 members to the Liqoqo, while Prince Sozisa was named “authorized person” to act on her behalf when needed. However, the Liqoqo considered itself above all other government institutions, including the prime minister and the regent.

When Prime Minister Prince Mabandla was accused of planning to remove traditional leaders, he was dismissed and replaced by Prince Bhekimpi, who was loyal to the Liqoqo. The group then started removing government officials they suspected of opposing them. In August 1983, they removed Queen Regent Dzeliwe and replaced her with Queen Ntombi, the mother of Sobhuza’s son, Makhosetive, who was declared the future king.

Many people, including university students, protested against the removal of Dzeliwe. In response, the Liqoqo arrested over 30 students. During this time, new political movements such as the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) emerged to demand democracy and good governance. It became clear that without a king, the Swazi political system was unstable. To restore order, supporters of the monarchy decided to crown the young heir. On April 25, 1986, 18-year-old Prince Makhosetive returned from school in England and was crowned King Mswati III. The same year, the Liqoqo was disbanded, and a new prime minister was appointed.

Under Mswati III, Swaziland remained under a state of emergency, which had been in place since 1973. His leadership faced opposition, especially from workers and students. The government continued to use harsh measures against those who opposed the monarchy. For example, in 1990, PUDEMO leaders were charged with treason after distributing pamphlets criticizing the government. They were accused of trying to overthrow the king.

Mswati III realized the need to reform some political systems. One of them was the Tinkhundla system, which rejected modern political parties. In 1991, he created the Tinkhundla Review Commission, known as Vusela, to gather public opinions. However, when the commission presented its findings in 1992, most suggestions for democratization were ignored. According to the report, most Swazis supported the Tinkhundla system.

Despite this, calls for political change continued, with people demanding the removal of the 1973 decree that banned political parties. Traditional leaders opposed these changes, but growing protests made it harder to ignore public demands. More political groups were formed, including the Swaziland Democratic Alliance, which pushed for democratic reforms. This forced Mswati III to address political change.

In 1996, he set up the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) to draft a new constitution. However, a major conflict arose when traditionalists insisted that the king should appoint the commissioners, while others wanted political groups to have a say. Political groups also demanded that the 1973 decree be removed before any discussions, but the king’s advisors wanted it to remain.

Mswati III went ahead and appointed the commissioners. In 2001, the CRC’s chairman announced that the king’s powers would be expanded, but details were unclear. Later, the king announced the formation of another commission to draft a new constitution, but no significant progress has been made.

The period after Sobhuza’s death has been marked by confusion and unresolved issues from the past. Civil society continues to demand democracy, while the monarchy sees these efforts as a threat. Although Mswati III has tried to make some political changes, his goal has been to strengthen the traditional system rather than allow real democracy. As a result, Swaziland remains isolated, while most countries in Southern Africa have moved toward democratic governance.

King Sobhuza II of Swaziland: The Shaping of Swaziland’s Incredible Traditional Rule

By Historian2 February 18, 2025

King Sobhuza II of Swaziland

Nkhotfotjeni, later known as King Sobhuza II of Swaziland, was born on July 22, 1899. He was chosen as the heir to the Swazi throne that same year and officially installed as king in 1921. His selection was controversial, as his father left behind six widows, each with a child eligible for succession. The council of princes, tasked with choosing the heir, failed to make a decision, leaving his grandmother, Labotsibeni Mdluli, to determine the successor. Following Swazi law and custom, Sobhuza was chosen, but as he was still a minor, Labotsibeni ruled as queen regent.

While the British recognized Sobhuza as the rightful heir, they insisted that only the British monarch could hold the title of “king,” referring to Sobhuza as “paramount chief.” Sobhuza was the first Swazi king to receive formal education, attending Lovedale College in South Africa from 1916 until 1918, when he was called home due to his grandmother’s deteriorating health and the death of her daughter, Ntongontongo. Labotsibeni recommended he remain in Swaziland to prepare for leadership.

When Sobhuza officially took over in 1921, Swaziland was still reeling from British land alienation policies. His first major action was to continue the Swazi struggle for the return of land taken under the 1907 proclamation. Although his efforts were largely unsuccessful, he did manage to establish the Native Land Settlement Scheme in the 1940s.

A key focus of Sobhuza’s rule was preserving Swazi political institutions. Aware that colonialism was dismantling traditional governance structures across Africa, he prioritized strengthening the monarchy. He insisted that colonial officials should not directly interact with the Swazi people in reserves, maintaining the authority of traditional power structures and the Swazi land tenure system.

In the 1940s, he resisted British efforts to reform traditional leadership, rejecting a proposal that Swazi chiefs should be appointed rather than inherit their positions. He insisted that Swazi law and custom should continue to govern succession. This commitment extended into the decolonization period, when modern political parties emerged as a perceived threat to the monarchy. In response, Sobhuza formed his own political movement to secure power during Swaziland’s transition to independence in 1968. His traditionalist faction successfully inherited power from the British, and he remained in control until his death in 1982.

Sobhuza’s reign was marked by a blend of modernization and authoritarian rule. While Swaziland underwent economic development, its political system remained undemocratic. From 1968 onwards, he consolidated power, systematically eliminating political opposition while reinforcing traditional governance. His leadership style emphasized personal rule, with political parties only tolerated if they recognized his authority. The independence constitution granted him executive and legislative powers, making him the ultimate decision-maker in all state affairs. His power was even celebrated in praise songs, which described him as “the mouth that spoke no lie.”

Sobhuza maintained control over the government by personally appointing cabinet ministers, ensuring loyalty to the monarchy. His intolerance for opposition was justified through appeals to Swazi tradition, arguing that leadership should not be contested and that political parties were foreign constructs unsuitable for Swaziland. This stance led to increasingly repressive policies.

In 1973, he abolished the independence constitution, arguing that it undermined Swazi traditional governance by allowing political parties to contest for leadership. From then on, opposition was systematically suppressed. Laws were enacted to limit freedoms of expression and association, making protests and gatherings of more than five people illegal without police approval. Violators faced detention for up to sixty days without trial. As a result, most opposition voices were silenced, creating an illusion of national stability.

To further legitimize the monarchy’s authority, Sobhuza implemented the Tinkhundla political system in 1978. This system allowed for parliamentary representation through rural localities called Tinkhundla, but it was primarily designed to entrench the power of the traditional oligarchy and reinforce the king’s dominance.

By the time of Sobhuza’s death in 1982, Swaziland’s governance remained heavily centered around the monarchy. The political system he established continued to suppress opposition, with ministers and officials remaining loyal to the king. Labor unions and political organizations were actively discouraged, as they were perceived as threats to royal authority.

King Sobhuza II’s reign, spanning over six decades, was defined by his relentless efforts to maintain Swazi traditions, consolidate monarchical power, and suppress political opposition. His rule shaped Swaziland’s political landscape, leaving a lasting legacy of centralized authority and resistance to democratic reforms.

Also Read: The Incredible History Of The Man Who Founded The Songhay Empire (r. 1464–1492)

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