Islam in Africa
Islam in Africa exists in multiple variations, spanning both the northern and southern regions of the Sahara. Across the continent, Africans have historically been part of Sufi brotherhoods. Additionally, many ethnic groups, especially in West and East Africa, converted to Islam collectively before and during the colonial period, making religious identity closely tied to ethnicity.
Some of these communities are also part of Sufi brotherhoods, which can further reflect an ethnic component. However, orthodox interpretations of Islam—predominantly Sunni—are largely upheld by religious elites, known as the ‘ulama, who often perceive Sufi followers as practicing a diluted or impure version of Islam. The varied expressions of Islam in Africa highlight the existence of multiple interpretations of Muslim identity.
Outside the Arab nations in the north, Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa falls into distinct categories shaped by social, cultural, and historical factors. The first category includes the dominance of Islam in the emirates of northern Nigeria, the lamidates of northern Cameroon, and the shaykhdoms of northern Chad, where religious and political authority is concentrated in a few individuals, leading to a class structure based on religious hierarchy.
The second category consists of regions where Sufi brotherhoods hold significant influence, mainly in West and East Africa, particularly in Senegal, the Gambia, Niger, Mali, Guinea, Kenya, and Tanzania. The third category comprises countries where Muslims are fragmented by ethnic and regional differences, leading to their marginalization in national politics. This is the case in several Sub-Saharan nations, such as Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Côte d’Ivoire.
In contrast, Sudan presents a different scenario, where the Muslim rulers of the National Islamic Front have used Islam as a tool for conquest and Arabization against southern Sudanese groups like the Dinka and the Nuer. These groups have waged prolonged resistance against the northern Sudanese Muslim-led government, which has received support from Iran in its effort to establish an Islamic state across the nation.
Although Sudanese authorities claim that Shari’a law would not be enforced in non-Muslim regions, their policies suggest an agenda of forced conversion and cultural assimilation, resembling a form of ethnic cleansing. The distinct cultural and religious identities of southern Sudanese communities make such efforts a direct threat to their traditions and survival.
The Sudanese government’s drive to Islamize the country is one of several indications of the growing influence of what is often labeled as “fundamentalist” Islam or, more accurately, Islamism. In recent years, Islamism has played a significant political and religious role in North African Arab nations such as Algeria and Egypt, with a lesser but notable presence in Tunisia and Morocco.
However, its impact in most of Sub-Saharan Africa remains limited, except for Nigeria. In Nigeria, tensions between Christians and Muslims have led to serious conflicts, accompanied by the rise of Islamist factions. These groups have frequently targeted Sufi Muslims, whom they view as followers of an impure version of Islam that needs purification.
Broadly speaking, two primary types of Islamist movements exist in Sub-Saharan Africa. The first consists of reformist groups, often influenced by Islamic orthodoxy as promoted by Iran or Saudi Arabia, attracting educated individuals who seek a purified Islamic society.
The second type of Islamist movement, particularly visible in Nigeria, has emerged as a reaction to the ongoing Christian-Muslim divide in the country. This form of Islamism is less about theological purity and more about asserting Muslim political and social rights in opposition to Christian dominance.
Nevertheless, Islamism has had a relatively limited effect across most of Sub-Saharan Africa compared to North Africa. Many African Muslims either follow Sufi traditions or belong to small, localized Muslim communities where traditional Islamic practices prevail.
In North Africa, Islamism manifests in diverse forms. Some groups engage in armed struggle to overthrow governments, as seen in Algeria and Egypt, while others pursue gradual political change through democratic processes, as in Morocco and Tunisia.
Additionally, certain Islamist factions seek to advance their goals through a combination of extraparliamentary activism, social outreach, and lobbying, as observed in Algeria and Egypt. Despite tactical differences, North African Islamist groups generally share two core beliefs: the inseparability of politics and religion and the necessity of implementing Shari’a law for all Muslims, either voluntarily or through coercion.
These groups attract followers from various professional backgrounds, including teachers, university students, graduates (particularly in science and technology), military personnel, police officers, and shopkeepers. While many recruits live in cities, they often have rural origins. Though Islamist rhetoric is framed in theological terms, many followers are primarily driven by social and economic grievances that stem from political dissatisfaction.
Thus, beyond its religious framework, Islamism in North Africa is fueled by political and socioeconomic struggles against ruling elites, who often monopolize political and economic power.
Islamist parties have contested elections in several African nations since the 1980s and 1990s, including Egypt, Algeria, Kenya, Morocco, Sudan, and Tunisia. Some of these parties have achieved electoral success, with Islamists gaining legislative seats in various countries.
These successes have had two primary effects: maintaining pressure on ruling elites to grant more concessions while reinforcing public support for Islamist movements. Victory in elections also helps sustain existing followers’ commitment and attracts new supporters to the Islamist cause.
Islam has also served as a unifying force for certain minority ethnic groups in several African countries. During the 1960s and 1970s, some governments sought to suppress Muslim political concerns by exacerbating religious and ethnic divisions.
However, by the 1980s, increasing economic hardships, political repression, and international democratic movements contributed to the rise of popular Islamic groups that challenged both religious authorities and secular governments. In Burkina Faso, Kenya, and Tanzania, Islamic movements played a key role in opposing one-party rule when these political systems were already facing internal and external pressures.
In Burkina Faso, where Muslims make up around 30% of the population, the catalyst for Muslim opposition was the revolutionary government of Captain Thomas Sankara, who seized power in 1983. His administration’s efforts to diminish Islam’s social and political status spurred resistance from the Muslim community.
In Kenya, where approximately 10% of the population is Muslim—mainly in the coastal, northeastern, and eastern provinces—Islamic activism was fueled by perceived economic and political marginalization. Certain ethnic groups, such as the Luhya, Kamba, and Kalenjin, were seen as disproportionately benefiting from the Kenya African National Union (KANU) government.
The legalization of political activity in 1991 paved the way for the emergence of Islamic political movements with strong ethnic affiliations. However, religious parties were barred from registering for the 1992 elections, preventing the newly formed Islamic Party of Kenya, led by Khalid Salim Ahmed Balala, from participating.
In Tanzania, about one-third of the mainland population is Muslim, dispersed among various ethnic groups, with the highest concentrations along the coast. In Zanzibar, where nearly 97% of the population follows Islam, political opposition based on religious identity emerged within the broader context of the country’s transition from a one-party system to political pluralism.
Like in Kenya, Tanzania’s Muslim population often argued that they faced economic disadvantages. Historically, however, Muslim-Christian relations in Tanzania remained relatively peaceful, partly because Muslims held significant political positions under the leadership of Julius Nyerere, and his policies fostered social cohesion. Nevertheless, economic and political shifts in the country have since contributed to greater tensions between religious communities.
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